Article 19

Entrepreneurship education research shows that women and men often differ in entrepreneurial attitudes, motives, barriers, circumstances, and actions. Drawing on such research, we explore the role of intrinsic, internal, psychological dimensions. First, female students often report lower entrepreneurial self-efficacy, and are less likely to report entrepreneurial aspirations and intentions. Second, intrinsic motives and barriers, not extrinsic ones, play a significant role in the entrepreneurial aspirations of women. Third, evidence suggests that faculty often do not share the same perceptions as female students of issues related to entrepreneurship. 
 By strengthening curricula and programs to address intrinsic, internal, psychological factors may bring positive outcomes—more successful support for entrepreneurial interest among women students, more effective education, and students with stronger psychological attributes beneficial for entrepreneurship. We offer an unusual and intriguing place to look for inspiration—the character and confidence-building techniques of military academies.

Background:Lactational mastitis and breast abscess cause trouble for women. It has been shown that oral probiotics can improve breast microecology, thus alleviating inflammatory responses. Our study aims to understand the long-term effect of Lactobacillus fermentum CECT5716 on patients with lactational breast abscess after needle aspiration.Methods:Data continued in a randomized controlled study of 101 subjects with lactational abscess from 12 hospitals were included. They were randomly divided into an experimental group and a control group. After needle aspiration treatment, the experimental group was orally administrated with L fermentum CECT5716 for 4 consecutive weeks, while the control group was treated with maltodextrin in the same way). In the third month after randomized controlled trial, the subjects were followed up by an online questionnaire investigation. The observation indexes included the relief of breast pain, recurrence of mastitis from the end of oral administration to the follow-up, and the effect on continuing breastfeeding.Results:A total of 101 patients were enrolled and 83 valid questionnaires were received during follow-up, including 40 in the experimental group and 43 in the control group. The rate of stop breastfeeding due to recurrence of mastitis was 2.5% (1/40) in the experimental group and 18.6% (8/43) in the control group, with a statistically significant difference (odds ratio = 0.112, 95% confidence interval: 0.013–0.942, P < .05). The rate of stop breastfeeding was 10% (4/40) in the experimental group and 25.6% (11/43) in the control group, without significant difference. The pain relief rate in the experimental group was 80% (32/40), which showed no significant difference from that in the control group, that is, 72.1% (31/43). The recurrence rate of mastitis in the experimental group was 20% (8/40), which was not significantly different from that in the control group, that is, 16.3% (7/43).Conclusions:In lactating women with a history of breast abscess, oral L fermentum CECT5716 may reduce the risk of stop breastfeeding due to recurrence of mastitis.

The political context for practicing free and independent journalism has always been challenging in Turkey and ever more so after the failed coup d’état of 2016. This article examines and analyzes the changes brought about by this failed coup d’état in terms of their civil, legal, and political significance for news journalism and news journalists. More specifically and based on two sets of semi-structured interviews with Turkish editors and senior journalists supported by an analysis of gray literature, we argue that between 2013 and 2018 Turkey has moved from a pre-coup repression of news journalism (2013–2016) to a post-coup oppression of news journalism (2016–2018). The former was characterized by unsystematic attacks on news journalism conducted with impunity leading to a climate of fear that made self-censorship inescapable. In contrast, the latter relied on constitutional changes and the use of law to systematically compromise the civil institution of news journalism and to cast news journalists as political enemies of the Turkish state resulting in what can be likened to a loss of their citizenship. We further argue that the development from the repression to oppression of news journalism has been ‘authorized’ and ‘legalized’ by the constitutional changes that came into force on 9 July 2018.

ABSTRACTThe Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in July 2017, has been met with mixed reactions. While supporters have described the Treaty as a watershed in the struggle for disarmament, others have expressed fervent opposition. One of the most serious charges levelled at the TPNW is that it will undermine the long-standing nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), by many regarded as a cornerstone of the international security architecture. Critics have contended that the new agreement risks eroding the system of safeguards designed to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, derailing disarmament efforts within the NPT framework, and aggravating political division between nuclear and non-nuclear powers. Investigating the legal and political cogency of these arguments, we argue that not only may the TPNW be reconciled with existing legal instruments, the new Treaty supports and reinforces key norms and institutions on which the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime is based. Furthermore, any technical challenges that might arise in the future may be addressed at meetings of states party; the drafters envisioned a dynamic process of institutional adaptations and expansion. The main challenge facing advocates of the Treaty is political: convincing the nuclear-armed states to disarm.

A experiência de monetarização de impacto de projetos desenvolvidos por organizações de interesse público ou por programas de responsabilidade social empresarial requer metodologia avaliativa que contemple os resultados expressos como fatos - ou mudanças imediatamente quantificáveis na vida das pessoas - e resultados expressos como valores - ou percepções de princípios e normas, comunicados ao longo dos projetos. O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar e discutir as hipóteses necessárias para a apropriação comensurável dos aspectos valorativos e factuais, considerando os significados sociais da moeda identificados nos circuitos de troca dos bens públicos envolvidos. A abordagem, que tem por referencial teórico as contribuições de H. Putnam e A. Sem. vale-se do diálogo com a sociologia econômica para construir indicadores mensuráveis do impacto. Como resultado, a monetarização explora o significado do impacto para a organização, em termos de custos e benefícios sociais; para os doadores, como medidas da responsabilidade social e valor agregado; e, para os beneficiários, como quantificação da mudança na percepção de valores e de atitudes. Como método para essa discussão, aplicamos esses argumentos à avaliação de um projeto social local, desenvolvido em Belo Horizonte-MG, mostrando que os valores podem ser incorporados como elementos mensuráveis e apropriados para a representação econômica do impacto.

The bulk releases of internal information about US military and foreign affairs by WikiLeaks were a shock to American officials in their scope and scale. However, so far, despite the public anger showed by the US government and immediate action against the lone alleged leaker, no new legislation restricting free expression rights has been adopted by Congress and signed by the president.KeywordsPublic InterestNational SecurityCrown ProsecutionInformation CommissionerDepartmental CommitteeThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

The Inter‐American Court of Human Rights, established by the → American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR), is the leading regional human rights court in the Americas. The Court consists of seven judges, elected by secret ballot by member states of the Organization of American States (OAS).