Electoral Commission

The subject. The article examines the basic approaches to the regulatory framework for informing and campaigning in the context of the growing influence of global digitalization on electoral law, the use of previously unknown digital technologies and the transfer of electoral legal relations to the Internet space.The aim of the article is to identify the specific features of legal regulation of informing and campaigning in digital era.The study of informing and campaigning was conducted with the methodology of a systems approach, formal legal interpretation of legislative acts and comparative legal analysis.Main results. The search for an optimal mechanism for information support for elections in the context of changes in the content of the subjective rights of participants in the electoral process actualizes the need to improve the traditionally understood procedure for observing, implementing and using the law. The increasing complexity of the process of interaction between participants in legal relations and the expanding list of legal liability measures emphasize the importance of resolving law enforcement issues. The establishment of an expanded list of entities entitled to campaign in social networks, the inclusion of various information resources on the Internet (including the so-called "new media") in the list of sources of information dissemination, the possibility of recognizing the informational nature of materials distributed in the media by those entities that, by law, are subjects of campaigning activities – all this leads to the erasure of the boundaries between informing and campaigning and, in fact, to the creation of a new information electoral space for the preparation and holding of elections, requiring the establishment of new requirements and principles for its organization.Conclusions The dissemination of campaigning in the field of the Internet space (digital services) transforms the rules for conducting campaigning. They become more unified, strictly ranked, which brings campaigning closer to informing and transfers the freedom of use of the right to the plane of compliance with the specified rules.

This article critically examines the notion of judicial neutrality in the context of constitutional interpretation and judicial review, using Pakistan and the United Kingdom as comparative case studies. While courts often project an image of impartiality and legal objectivity, their rulings in politically sensitive cases reveal underlying ideological and institutional influences. The purpose of this study is to deconstruct the myth of neutrality and to explore how judicial decisions are shaped by broader political and cultural contexts, especially in systems with divergent constitutional frameworks—one codified and fragile, the other uncodified yet resilient. Employing a qualitative, doctrinal research method, the article analyses landmark judicial decisions, constitutional texts, and scholarly critiques to expose the value-laden nature of constitutional adjudication. In both jurisdictions, the judiciary has at times reinforced dominant political structures under the guise of legal reasoning, while at other moments it has asserted democratic values through selective activism. The key finding is that claims to judicial neutrality often mask deeper ideological commitments and strategic institutional positioning. Recognising this complexity is essential for a more transparent and accountable model of constitutional governance. The article ultimately calls for a candid reassessment of the role of courts in shaping constitutional meaning within contested democratic orders. This article interrogates the assumption of judicial neutrality in constitutional adjudication by comparing the practice of judicial review in Pakistan and the United Kingdom. While courts in both jurisdictions often purport to act as neutral arbiters applying objective legal principles, their decisions frequently reflect underlying ideological frameworks and political contexts. By examining key case law and the constitutional arrangements in each country, this article contends that the rhetoric of neutrality conceals the inherently political nature of constitutional interpretation. The analysis underscores the need to reassess the normative claims of judicial objectivity, particularly in societies marked by deep constitutional and political contestation.

Como consecuencia de la reforma electoral de 2014, la relación entre el sistema electoral federal y sus pares a nivel local cambió para siempre, debido a que el anterior sistema independiente fue sustituido por sistema nacional electoral coordinado en el que se comparten y delimitan funciones. Entre otras cosas, la reforma de 2014 buscaba reducir la influencia que los gobernadores y sus partidos tenían sobre los institutos electorales locales. Por ello, la reforma determinó concentrar el proceso de designación de las personas integrantes de los órganos superiores de dirección de los organismos electorales locales, conocidos como consejerías, en manos del Instituto Nacional Electoral (INE), quitando dicho proceso de la esfera de competencia de los congresos locales, quienes anteriormente controlaban el proceso de designación por gracia de las constituciones y leyes locales Diez años después de esta reforma, es necesario evaluar su impacto en la autonomía y autoridad de los organismos electorales locales. Por tanto, a partir de una muestra de cuatro entidades federativas y 48 casos de designación de consejerías, este trabajo analiza algunos de los efectos inmediatos de la reforma, lo que permite encontrar diferencias entre los procesos de designación y plantear algunas ideas para, a futuro, hacer más robusto el proceso y garantizar una mejor calidad de las instituciones electorales.

El surgimiento del partido Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional (Morena) ha provocado cambios cruciales en el sistema de partidos mexicano. La obtención de la mayoría absoluta de este partido y sus aliados en las elecciones presidenciales de 2018 y de 2024 ha abierto varios escenarios de cambio: desde un probable sistema de partido predominante hasta un nuevo tipo de pluralismo moderado. Este artículo se inscribe en este debate y analiza los resultados electorales de 2024 comparándolos conelecciones previas mediante la revisión de la fragmentación electoral a través del número efectivo de partidos a nivel nacional y distrital. El hallazgo fundamental es que, a pesar de la obtención de mayorías absolutas para las elecciones presidenciales, los resultados por distrito van desde el bipartidismo al multipartidismo.

To the Editor: We note the publication of the post-colonoscopy colorectal cancer (PCCRC) article (Fourie et al. [1] It denotes a baseline for South Africa (SA), and confirms that our PCCRC rates are globally on par.We have several concerns we wish to note regarding inferred conclusions: (i) The manner in which the PCCRC rate for medical gastroenterologists was established: It is seemingly unclear, but assumed, that the operator for the second diagnostic colonoscopy also performed the previous scope where the lesion was not diagnosed.This needs clarity and/or correction, as medical gastroenterologists, in the authors' conclusions, have a higher PCCRC rate.This seems methodologically unsound and casts unneeded aspersions.(ii) The vast majority of the cohort (14 773) were excluded from analysis, and of these, most (40%) were on the basis of a background high risk of CRC (polyposis syndromes, hereditary non-polyposis CRC, previous CRC, previous adenomas and inflammatory bowel disease (IBD)).This cannot be accurately done on the basis of ICD-10 codes only, as per methodology, as many of the above do not have ICD-10 codes (e.g.serrated polyposis syndrome; no distinction made for adenomas -rather the use of a broad category of 'benign neoplasms').It is anticipated that polyposis syndromes and IBD account for a minority of CRC cases, hence most were likely excluded given inadequate coding.The adenoma detection rate is a well-recognised and validated key performance indicator for colonoscopy quality, and not PCCRC.Adenoma detection rates are inversely correlated to PCCRC rates.This exclusionary approach potentially excludes scopes that detect adenomas, and by extension, lower rates of PCCRC.Not including these data in the analysis may inherently create significant bias.High-risk groups are of particular interest in our country, where we lack capacity to perform community-based screening, so that targeted screening is possibly a more feasible approach.(iii) The indications for colonoscopy were not considered.It is expected that those performing endoscopy in patients with alarm symptoms will have higher rates of CRC and subsequently PCCRC identification.Conversely, performing colonoscopies for screening or low-yield indications could lead to lower rates of PCCRC.Without proper matching for indications, the PCCRC rates cannot be compared between groups.Similarly, the utility of endoscopy needs to be considered.Repeating annual colonoscopies in low-risk patients will lead to lower rates of PCCRC and increased cost.Other validated key performance indicators were not considered (bowel preparation, caecal intubation rates).These data are required to correctly interpret the quality of colonoscopies to match CRC rates.(iv) The comparative groups were apportioned into surgeons, gastroenterologists and physicians/general practitioners.While it is acknowledged as a limitation, this leads to the data being uninterpretable.Most general specialist physicians do not receive 1.

Technology and election organization are increasingly intertwined, encompassing voting systems and supporting infrastructure. This interaction puts at the spotlight aspects related to trust and public confidence, fuelled by threat actors from actors aiming to disrupt electoral integrity using publicized attacks and disinformation campaigns against the use of such technologies. In the literature, there is still a lack of a cohesive, coordinated methodology for this issue that starts with a needs-based approach. This paper analyses the relationship between trust and technology implementation across the electoral cycle by presenting a set of selected case studies presenting diverse levels of democratic development and types of election management bodies. While examining how trust- and distrust-related factors influence implementation, this paper supports experts aiming to approach aspects related to the current erosion of trust in democracy and technology's impact.

A large portion of new patients with end stage kidney disease initiates dialysis in the acute setting and continue with outpatient dialysis at in-center facilities. To increase home dialysis adoption, programs have successfully operationalized Urgent Start peritoneal dialysis to have patients avoid in-center dialysis and move straight to home. However, Urgent Start home hemodialysis (HHD) has not been a realistic option for providers or patients due to complex machines and long training times (greater than four weeks). The landscape of dialysis treatment is evolving, and innovative approaches are being explored to improve patient outcomes and optimize health care resources. This article delves into the concept of directly transitioning incident patients from hospital admission to HHD, bypassing traditional in-center dialysis training. This forward-thinking approach aims to empower patients, enhance their treatment experience, maximize efficiency, and streamline health care operations. A large hospital organization in the Northeast was able to successfully transition three patients from hospital "crash" starts on hemodialysis directly to HHD.

En la víspera del proceso electoral 2024 en México, resulta pertinente conocer algunos de los aspectos más relevantes de la lista nominal de electores, relación integrada por aquéllos que tienen el derecho efectivo a votar. Además de conocer algunos aspectos acerca de cuántos y quiénes conforman la lista nominal, proponemos analizar cómo los grupos que lo conforman (sexos, edades, regiones) se han comportado en el pasado reciente en términos de participación y preferencias electorales y, en función de ello, preguntarnos si es posible esperar una conducta similar o distinta en el actual proceso, particularmente en lo referente a la elección de la presidencia de la República.