Fornleifastofnun Íslands

Mortuary customs frequently provide the principal archaeological evidence for religious identity. Such customs are often seen as a direct reflection of religion and therefore a change of religion should be expected to result in a change in burial rite. There is growing evidence that the relationship is not so straightforward. In this paper we report results from Viking Age Iceland which challenge the previous view of a relatively clear-cut transition from pagan to Christian burial rites. The implication of our findings is that burial rites cannot be expected to change in lockstep with religious ideas. Burial rites reflect a variety of concerns held by those who perform them – and religion, ideology or cosmology may be the least of those. It is one of the characteristics of institutionalized religions like Christianity that they strive to design rituals and control their performance but the assertion of such control does not have to be coterminous with conversion.

Previous stable isotope studies of modern and archaeological faunal samples from sites around Lake Mývatn, within the Mývatnssveit region of northeast Iceland, revealed that an overlap existed between the δ15N ranges of terrestrial herbivores and freshwater fish, while freshwater biota displayed δ13C values that were comparable with marine resources. Therefore, within this specific ecosystem, the separation of terrestrial herbivores, freshwater fish, and marine fish as components of human diet is complicated when only δ13C and δ15N are measured. δ34S measurements carried out within a previous study on animal bones from Skútustaoir, an early Viking age settlement on the south side of Lake Mývatn, showed that a clear offset existed between animals deriving their dietary resources from terrestrial, freshwater, and marine reservoirs. The present study focuses on δ13C, δ15N, and δ34S analyses and radiocarbon dating of human bone collagen from remains excavated from a churchyard at Hofstaoir, 5 km west of Lake Mývatn. The results demonstrate that a wide range of δ34S values exist within individuals, a pattern that must be the result of consumption of varying proportions of terrestrial-, freshwater-, and marine-based resources. For that proportion of the population with 14C ages that apparently predate the well-established first human settlement of Iceland (landnám) circa AD 871 ± 2, this has enabled us to explain the reason for these anomalously old ages in terms of marine and/or freshwater 14C reservoir effects.

The aim of this article is to contribute to problematizing the notion of nature in Icelandic nature-based tourism. Despite a fairly robust recent definition of nature-based tourism by the Icelandic Ministry of Industry as “travellers’ varied experience of nature,” in fact, the definition of nature in this context seems limited to places supposedly unspoilt by human influence, and that rather simplistic understanding seems overly prevalent in the discourse of Icelandic tourism. The concept of “nature-based” tourism is necessarily reductive if it is limited to areas conceptualized as pristine. Many places that are identified primarily through their anthropogenic features would not be adequately understood without considering their ecological properties, and certain areas with significant anthropogenic elements give rise to specific—and in many ways unique—experiences of flora and fauna. Central among them are ruins, where ambiguous space is occupied spontaneously, where interactions with the nonhuman can be more unexpected, startling, and dangerous than in more regulated areas. If tourists come to Iceland chiefly due to the country’s spectacular náttúra, the Icelandic tourism industry is well advised to be mindful of the many derelict and abandoned contemporary structures found across the country.

Human bone collagen from a series of Icelandic human pagan graves was radiocarbon (14C) dated to aid understanding of early settlement (landnám) chronologies in northern Iceland. These individuals potentially consumed marine protein. The 14C age of samples containing marine carbon requires a correction for the marine 14C reservoir effect. The proportion of non-terrestrial sample carbon was quantified via measurement of carbon stable isotopes (δ13C) using a simple mixing model, based on δ13C measurements of archaeofaunal samples. Non-terrestrial carbon was also quantified in six pig bones from the archaeofaunal dataset. Assuming all non-terrestrial carbon in human and pig bone collagen was marine-derived, calibrated age ranges calculated using a mixed IntCal09/Marine09 calibration curve were consistent with an early settlement date close to landnám, but several samples returned pre-landnám age ranges. Measurements of nitrogen stable isotopes (δ15N) strongly suggest that many of the human bone collagen samples contain freshwater diet-derived carbon. Icelandic freshwater systems frequently display large freshwater 14C reservoir effects, of the order of 10,000 14C years, and we suggest that the presence of freshwater carbon is responsible for the anomalously early ages within our dataset. In pig samples, the majority of non-terrestrial carbon is freshwater in origin, but in human samples the proportion of freshwater carbon is within the error of the marine component (±10%). This presents a major obstacle to assessing temporal patterns in the ages of human remains from sampled graves, although the majority of grave ages are within the same, broad, calibrated range.

Early arable activity in Iceland, introduced in the late ninth century A.D., has been characterized as marginal and at a subsistence level, largely abandoned by the 1500s as a result of climatic deterioration. This view has been advanced without considering soils data, the medium in which crops are grown and in which evidence of early land management is retained. Soil thin section micromorphology together with soil total phosphorus values are used to assess land manuring and cultivation strategies at two sites in south-west Iceland, where place name and palynological evidence indicate that arable activity has taken place. Agro-ecosystem modeling, using the CENTURY model, is undertaken to predict grain yields at these sites, and to assess the significance of soil properties and soil management in determining yields. The results of these analyses demonstrate that manure application rates were low, and support the view that grain yields were at a subsistence level. The results also suggest soils, and the management of soils, rather than climate was the major limitation to arable production. Shortages of both available manure and labor are suggested as barriers to soils and grain productivity improvements in early Iceland. The paper highlights the need to include soils analyses in discussions of early agricultural economies.