Gila River Indian Community

In this Research Topic, 14 publications highlighted ecological responses in coastal environments (Table 1) to a number of potential changes, including climate change (Gross et al. 2023, Huard et al. 2024), marine heatwaves (Beck et al. 2024, Graham et al. 2025), atmospheric heatwaves (Miner et al. 2025, Raymond et al. 2024, Rubinoff et al. 2025), aquaculture (Veggerby et al. 2024), wetland habitat loss (Chamberlin et al. 2025, Greene et al. 2025, Toft et al. 2023), species reintroductions (McArdle et al. 2025), and introduction of non-native species (Beck et al. 2024, Grason et al. 2025, Rubinoff et al. 2025). While this suite of changes is not an exhaustive list, it collectively highlights that due to the intersection of terrestrial and marine processes, impacts to coastal environments are likely to be greater than their landward and seaward counterparts. Importantly, authors highlighted the significance of cumulative natural and anthropogenic effects that complicate recovery of coastal habitats and the species they support (Huard et al. 2024, Greene et al. 2025, Gross et al. 2023, McArdle et al. 2025, Raymond et al. 2024, Sobocinski et al. 2025, Toft et al. 2023).This collection also offered solutions to some of these threats (Table 1), including habitat restoration (Greene et al. 2025, Chamberlin et al. 2025, Sobocinski et al. 2025, Toft et al. 2023 2025) detected successful growth and adequate survival rates in native Olympia oyster reintroductions, they also noted numerous challenges and recruitment failure. The studies collectively demonstrated that recovering coastal communities takes time and investment because of constraints such as opposing natural geomorphic processes (Toft et al. 2023), lags in ecological responses, inherent sensitivity of key species to intertidal extremes (Graham et al. 2025, Gross et al. 2023), and society's tendencies to underinvest recovery and restoration efforts (Chamberlin et al. 2025). All of these issues delay the timeline for functional recovery.The studies collectively noted the many challenges of documenting responses of coastal habitats and their resident species. Intertidal environments are inherently dynamic, and studies must account for highly variable changes in water levels, temperature, and salinity (Rubinoff et al. Despite these challenges, this Frontiers Research topic highlights the importance of monitoring coastal ecosystems. While the concept of "monitoring" has sometimes been criticized as secondtier science due to the lack of controlled experimentation or a strong basis in hypothesis testing (Lindenmayer and Likens 2009), this collection of studies reveals their power, especially in the context of land-and seascape-scale questions often associated with coastal ecosystems. Longterm monitoring of juvenile salmon cohorts was essential to link habitat restoration "experiments" to their demographic responses (Greene et al. 2025), and even shorter monitoring efforts can help shed light on species sensitivity to climate impacts (Graham et al. 2025, Gross et al. 2023, Miner et al. 2025, Rubinoff et al. 2025, Beck et al. 2024). The concept of monitoring extends as well to monitoring habitat change -for example, Chamberlin et al. ( 2025) and Greene et al. ( 2025) highlight how tracking habitat change of vegetated wetlands using multiple spaced years of aerial photography revealed the pace of wetland recovery through restoration projects. In addition, monitoring can help bridge the gap between scientists and practitioners through participatory science. As shown by several authors, data gathered by engaging citizens in shoreline monitoring can help reveal recovery of ecosystem function (Toft et al. 2023, Rubinoff et al. 2025) and serve to warn us about invasions of nonnative species (Grason et al. 2025, Beck et al. 2024).The studies in this collection also raise questions for additional research. Table 1. Summary of studies in the Salish Sea intertidal Research Topic by author. We illustrate the topics concerning hypothesized impacts (red) or efforts to ameliorate them (blue), the ecological responses studied, and whether impacts/improvements and their ecological responses were measured.

Abstract Archaeological compliance is defined by state and federal legislation and the constrained, precise language in which it is written. Rules and policies operationalize the law but provide some flexibility in its interpretation and implementation. The pronounced use of “legal” and “scientific” language in archaeological compliance can be considered insensitive or offensive to some tribal members when discussing the disposition and care of the remains and belongings of their ancestors. The language we use constructs our reality and defines how we interpret our interactions of the lived experience. It is therefore necessary to revise the language employed in archaeological compliance to ensure that it reflects the values of the communities that these laws define to determine treatment and ultimate disposition of their ancestral remains and belongings. This article describes and encourages the use of a respectful terminology, developed in conjunction with compliance professionals and tribal representatives, to restructure the language we use and redefine our interactions as more considerate of tribal concerns for repatriation.

Within the Phoenix Basin in southern Arizona, disk beads have long been highly valued. Remarkably, the Akimel O’Odham (i.e., Pima) and Pee Posh (i.e., Maricopa) still place great importance on them today. Similar beads were formed from shell, stone, and clay. The effort necessary to manufacture beads from these constituents varies, but beads made from different materials are often macroscopically indistinguishable. Furthermore, some raw materials had to be imported, while other constituents were locally available. These factors should have affected the value of different bead types, and ethnographic evidence shows that indigenous people have clearly defined preferences for attributes, including color and material. In particular, beads made from shell and turquoise are recognized as being most valuable. This paper presents archaeological, ethnohistorical, ethnographic, and contemporary data that show that small disk beads were a form of wealth that was employed in trade transactions.

Much of what is known regarding Historic period Native American communities is based on studying documents that were written by non-indigenous peoples. However, archaeological excavations in a portion of the Blackwater Village within the Gila River Indian Community provide another perspective on Native American life ways within south-central Arizona during the late 1800s. The latter nineteenth century was a pivotal time for the Akimel O’Odham (i.e., Pima) who have long lived within the Phoenix Basin, and they experienced dramatic changes in their subsistence strategies, settlement patterns, craft production, and other cultural practices during this time. These recent investigations demonstrate that the Akimel O’Odham were not passive recipients of Euroamerican culture, and instead they chose to adopt some aspects of non-native practices while at the same time retaining important traditions. As a result, the Akimel O’Odham have successfully maintained their society in the face of tremendous hardships, and Blackwater Village remains a vibrant settlement to this day.

Archaeologists have long used the prehistoric inhabitants of the Phoenix Basin in south-central Arizona as an example of a failed or collapsed society, and most prehistorians still assert that Hohokam material culture patterns ended at the close of the Classic period (circa A.D. 1150–1450). Although researchers are increasingly recognizing connections between prehistoric and modern indigenous people, little consensus exists regarding the cause or causes of the dramatic alterations in material culture patterns that occurred in the region. Most archaeologists who have studied the changes at the end of the Classic period, however, have not fully considered the implications of previous and subsequent conditions, including similar and seemingly abrupt shifts in cultural practices that occurred both before and after this time. This paper uses Akimel O'Odham (i.e., Pima) cultural knowledge to contextualize the “Hohokam Collapse.” We show that this perspective of culture history explains the relationship between prehistoric and historic populations and answers many of the long-standing questions regarding cultural variation in the Phoenix Basin.

Abstract Spawning sites of lake sturgeon Acipenser fulvescens were verified using egg collection mats in the Big Manistee River in northwestern lower Michigan. Photographs taken by a fixed-position underwater video camera were used to characterize the substrate at egg mat locations. A total of 3,913 lake sturgeon eggs were captured at two discrete spawning locations in 2003 and 2004. Spawning locations consisted of 34–44% cobble and 0.04–8% sand, and nonspawning locations consisted of 2–43% cobble and 0.16–7% sand. Shannon diversity indices describing substrate heterogeneity at spawning locations were statistically higher than those for nonspawning locations in 2003 (P = 0.002). Four spawning events (one in 2003 and three in 2004) were documented at water temperatures ranging from 11.1°C to 14.8°C and egg incubation periods ranging from 6 to 10 d. Depth at spawning sites was 1.5–3.0 m, average water velocity was 0.34–1.32 m/s, and near-substrate water velocity was 0.08–1.26 m/s. The topography of the Big Manistee River channel appears to have been altered by manipulated river flows, resulting in the development of barchans (ridges or shelves along the river bottom) in the region utilized for spawning. This study is the first to document lake sturgeon spawning success in the Big Manistee River and identify the specific characteristics of spawning bed material used as well as the presence of barchans that may produce eddies or turbulent irregular flows that affect egg dispersal and survival.

State statutes, case law, and professional codes of ethics in the mental health professions typically stress either a duty or the permissibility of disclosing confidential information in order to prevent clients from seriously harming themselves. These sources are intended to address cases where clients are deemed to be suffering from cognitive dysfunction for which paternalistic intervention, including involuntary hospitalization, is considered necessary to prevent self-destructive behavior. The counselor's moral and legal responsibility is less apparent when mentally competent clients desire suicide as release from irremediable suffering due to severe physical illness, and this desire is defensible within these clients' value systems. This paper will explore moral and legal dimensions of a counselor's decision not to intervene in such cases. The concept of permitted suicide will be introduced and defined, and guidelines for its application developed.