Institute for African Studies

The article is devoted to the methodological aspects of the study of social evolution, attention is paid to the development of methods for the analysis/forecast of complex anthropogenic situations, the dynamics of the scientific apparatus, transdisciplinary transfer and the development of cognitive tools. We are used to dealing with the experience of past situations, packaged in an educational narrative and technological practice. However, the complication of the anthropo-cosmos, its globalization, diversification, and other forms of reorganization stimulate the transformation of the knowledge environment. Humanity, passing through the bottleneck of civilizational transit and mastering opportunities, forms a social space where the activity of individuals, groups and communities increases dramatically, multiplying the wealth of available alternatives.

Abstract The aim of this study was to understand how mesocarnivores are structured as a function of habitat type and in the presence of a top predator such as the wolf. Indeed, the Sierra de la Culebra (Zamora, NW Spain) hosts one of the densest populations of Iberian wolves ( Canis lupus signatus ) in Western Europe, together with a diverse guild of mesocarnivores. We investigated habitat determinants of carnivore diversity and trophic structure using a non-invasive, multi-method approach that combined camera trapping, faecal DNA identification, and interviews with local rangers across twelve 7.5 × 7.5 km grid cells (65,000 ha). Seven camera trap stations were positioned in the grid, with one camera trap per station, after the results were cross-referenced with 253 fecal samples and a survey conducted among Park staff. Finally, to determine the habitat, the relative abundance index (RAI) for each taxon was calculated using the formula suggested by Lira-Torres and Briones Salas. Twelve carnivore species were recorded, with wolves and red foxes ubiquitous and smaller mustelids showing patchy distributions although wolf presence exerted a weak negative influence on mesocarnivore richness, suggesting moderate top-down regulation within the guild. As regards the characterization of the habitat multiple regression models revealed that deciduous forests and shrublands were positively associated with total species richness, while pine plantations and croplands had negative effects therefore the carnivore community of the Sierra de la Culebra has shown a significant predilection for forest areas with deciduous or thicket forests, strongly reaching coniferous forests (generally repopulation) and cultivated areas. In the European context, where the wolf is a sensitive species, these results demonstrate that carnivore diversity in Mediterranean landscapes depends on both trophic and habitat complexity. Ecological restoration in the Sierra de la Culebra should therefore prioritize the recovery of native oak woodlands and mixed shrub mosaics to maintain a functionally rich and balanced predator community.

Against the backdrop of rising anti-French sentiments in the Sahel region, debates have intensified within both Russian and foreign scholars regarding the reasons for the apparent crisis, if not the failure, of the Fifth Republic’s African policy. At the same time, these discussions tend to ignore the concept of theso-called ‘security-development nexus’, which, meanwhile, was one of the key determinants shaping France’s approaches to the Sahel countries. An examination of the French experts’ understanding of this construct is particularly interesting because it reveals the specifics and principles of the conceptual-theoretical framework underlying France’s foreign policy toward African countries in general. The first section assesses the French public administration system on the African track and describes the institutional organization of national expertise on security and development issues in Africa, including identifying the affiliations of its most prominent representatives. The author notes that these think tanks and individual researchers are subject to French state authorities’ significant influence or even direct patronage. The second section examines the complex process of the adaptation of French research circles to the securitization of the international development agenda in the 2000s, as they were initially highly skeptical toward the discourse on ‘fragile’ states and the ‘nexus’ concept, borne of the Anglo-Saxon political thought. The third section analyzes the internalization and instrumentalization of the ‘nexus’ in France’s African policy and in French academic discourse against the backdrop of the escalating crisis in the Sahel region in the 2010s. The author emphasizes that the expert debates related to this process focused on solving two tasks: identifying the internal and external causes of the Sahel crisis and formulating practical recommendations for the French government on how to resolve it. The fourth section considers how French experts assess the outcomes of France’s military presence in the Sahel. In conclusion, the author argues that the crisis of the ‘Françafrique’ policy was caused by both objective reasons ‘on the ground’ (the lack of a coherent exit strategy from armed conflicts, the predominance of security considerations over the development agenda) and by hampered feedback between the state and expert circles.

This paper seeks to broaden the discourse surrounding decolonial historiography of Africa and decolonization as a whole by critically examining both the theoretical discussions surrounding de-colonial historiography and the practical efforts aimed at

The article explores Nigeria’s foreign policies in a range of international organizations with regard to the core interests that the country has pursued through multilateral engagement at the UN, the Commonwealth, the Non-Aligned Movement, OPEC, FAO, OIC since the return of civilian rule in 1999. The piece also highlights the shift in the country’s stance towards two informal institutions, BRICS and G20, that emerged after Bola Tinubu’s rise to the presidency. Although Nigeria’s approach to these fora can hardly be generalized, a search for the optimal balance between soliciting broad support for national development and flagging its role as a regional leader, capable of drawing global attention to Africa’s challenges and priorities, could be attributed as the main feature of the country’s vision of multilateralism. The UN remains instrumental to Nigeria’s multilateral diplomacy as the nation uses the venue to offer its own vision on a range of global issues, especially in matters of international security. At the same time, Nigeria’s multiple terms on the UN Security Council and the appointment of Nigerians to senior UN roles have contributed to enhancing its global stature. Nigeria’s recent partnership with BRICS and its growing interest in the G20 add symbolic weight to its ambition of being one of the leading voices for the Global South— pursuing broader collective interests alongside the national agenda. Economically, OPEC remains critical due to the structure of Nigeria’s resource-based economy, as does the Commonwealth’s initiatives on debt relief. BRICS, in the meantime, holds significant potential: Nigeria’s leadership is focused on major, particularly infrastructure-focused, projects in partnership with the New Development Bank and fellow BRICS partners.

The purpose of the study is to evaluate and systematize the instruments of foreign economic influence in the USSR and the PRC, to draw a parallel between projects for building alliances, taking into account economic instruments. The research methods include the OLS (Weighted OLS) and ARIMA, specifically the comparison of the GDP of USSR and CMEA countries and China and the countries of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) was applied. Same methods were used referring to the mentioned allies (CMEA and RCEP). Concluding the study, the different foreign economic approaches of the USSR and China are shown to have the diverse efficiency and can be introduced to the modern economic multinational projects.

The article analyses the preparation and results of the parliamentary elections held in South Africa on May 29, 2024. The ruling party, namely the African National Congress, failed to win the majority of votes, for the first time in 30 years that democratic South Africa exists. This outcome marks a significant turning point in the country's political landscape, indicating that the ANC's leadership may be facing challenges in the future. However, the study shows that the change in the number of supporters is a problem not only for the ANC, but also for other political players in the country. The paper aims to identify the reasons why the ANC lost the support of voters. The author carefully examines the main stages of the vote preparation. She analyses the election campaigns of various parties, including the ANC and opposition party like the Democratic Alliance, as well as new political movements that took part in the elections for the first time. Special attention is given to party financing, organizing political events, and strategies for voter mobilization. Other factors that may have influenced the voting outcome are taken into account, including the sudden emergence of the party led by former South African president (2009–2018) Jacob Zuma. As a result, the article identifies several factors that contributed to the voting outcome, that are economic challenges, including high unemployment rate among young people, corruption and ineffective local government, the changing demographics, including the growing number of young people unrelated to the apartheid era. The paper speculates how this new political landscape may shape the country's domestic and foreign policies. Additionally, the article explores the initial actions taken by the newly formed government, namely the "Government of National Unity." One of the primary concerns raised in the paper is how changes in domestic policies will impact South Africa's foreign policy as a member of BRICS and one of the leading countries of the Global South after the appointment of the new government and the new Minister of International Relations and Cooperation. In conclusion, the 2024 elections have become an important event in the political life of South Africa. They showed that the country is going through significant changes that can greatly affect its domestic and foreign policy.

This article explores the integration of new African BRICS members into the scientific and educational cooperation within BRICS. Despite significant criticism regarding the still limited scope of scientific collaborations between BRICS countries, there is a steadily growing number of interaction formats in the fields of science, technology, and education. To provide an accurate assessment, the study analyzes and systematizes existing BRICS cooperation formats, including infrastructure to share research results, scientific conferences, regular ministerial meetings, international laboratories and other cooperative mechanisms. Developing cooperation meets the BRICS goals, as the emergence of these formats was outlined in the 2015 Memorandum on Cooperation in Science, Technology, and Innovation. The question of how new BRICS members are integrated into these existing mechanisms is raised. To address the question, the study analyzes the science and education interaction within BRICS, as well as the national strategic documents in these fields of two new members: Egypt and Ethiopia. There is a significant gap between these countries in terms of economic development, scientific and technological progress, and basic literacy rates. This disparity creates diverging challenges and opportunities for Egypt and Ethiopia. Such imbalances pose risks to intensifying cooperation within BRICS, particularly because of limited economic capabilities of these states to cooperate in scientific and educational fields. For instance, Egypt joined the 2015 Memorandum of Understanding on the establishment of the BRICS Network University, participated in the meeting of education ministers, and has engaged in the BRICS Working Group meeting on research infrastructure and MegaScience projects. In contrast, Ethiopia has not participated in these events, hence the risks of deepening inequality within BRICS. The challenge is recognized by member states. In 2025, many poor and small countries aspiring to participate in BRICS activities were granted partner country status instead of full membership. Despite the broad range of cooperation formats and their ongoing expansion, disparities in the economic and scientific-technological development levels of new African members pose challenges to their full integration. This gap requires that BRICS adjust its mechanisms to ensure inclusive and sustainable scientific partnerships.

The effect of sonoplasma discharge on the bacterial-fungal complex of microorganisms during the treatment of irrigation water from a greenhouse was studied. New data have been obtained on the resistance to sonoplasmic treatment of species of microorganisms typical of greenhouse wastewater, including those that pose a danger to plant pathogenesis. It is concluded that The sonoplasma discharge treatment of greenhouse irrigation waters is more effective in eliminating bacteria than mold fungi. It is shown that the inhibitory effect on the propagules of microscopic fungi is directly proportional to the frequency of treatment.