Institute of Political Studies

This article explains how the triadic brokering system in the European Union affects the conditions of work and pay of mobile care workers. Using original survey data gathered from Polish care workers in Germany, the authors found that workers earn less money the more hours they work. Based on qualitative interviews with care workers and representatives of labor market intermediaries, they argue that the brokering relationship is responsible for the misalignment between working hours and pay. Workers negotiate their pay and working hours within two distinct contexts: in the domestic sphere with their German clients (care recipients and their families) and in interactions with care agencies in Poland. The article also identifies the conditions under which workers are able to benefit from, or are disadvantaged by, the brokering relationship. Findings suggest that these consist of a combination of individual (e.g., language proficiency, professional care skills) and structural conditions (e.g., demographic changes, EU mobile rights).

This article attempts to summarize the life and academic journey of a forgotten historian of the Łódź Ghetto. Drawing on preserved archival documentation, the author reconstructs the most important stages in Henryk Rubin’s biography, focusing in particular on the controversy surrounding the (non-)awarding of his doctoral degree for his groundbreaking dissertation on the history of the Holocaust of the Łódź Ghetto during World War II, in which he sought to revise the negative image of Chaim Mordechai Rumkowski.

Artykuł poświęcony jest rekonstrukcji pojęcia ludowych illegalizmów (illégalisme populaire) w myśli Michela Foucaulta. Choć jest to pojęcie centralne dla całej architektury argumentacyjnej w Nadzorować i karać, jego znaczenie zostało zepchnięte na dalszy plan w dotychczasowej literaturze przez znacznie lepiej znane pojęcie władzy dyscyplinarnej. Publikacja Théories et institutions pénales (1971–1972) oraz La société punitive (1972–1973) stała się przyczynkiem do całej serii reinterpretacji prac Foucaulta z perspektywy pojęcia illegalizmu. W Théories et institutions pénales koncentrując się na przykładzie powstania Bosostopych (1639–1640) w Normandii, Foucault argumentuje, że od drugiej połowy XVII w. nowoczesny system represji rodzi się jako odpowiedź na nasilające się powstania ludowe. W La société punitive Foucault skomplikuje ten argument, wprowadzając pojęcie ludowych illegalizmów i stawiając tezę, że jeszcze w XVIII w. pewien rodzaj illegalizmów ludowych był zgodny z rozwojem gospodarki kapitalistycznej, a na przełomie wieku XVIII i XIX stał się z nim sprzeczny. Celem tego artykułu jest rekonstrukcja ewolucji tego argumentu. Główna teza, której będę bronił, brzmi: pojęcie illegalizmów służy Foucault do opisania konfliktów klasowych powstających wokół historycznego wyłaniania się więzienia jako jednej z kluczowych strategii utowarowienia pracy, czyli proletaryzacji.

Nowy Bank Rozwoju (New Development Bank – NDB) to jedyna wspólna organizacja utworzona przez państwa członkowskie BRICS pomimo rozwoju współpracy i poszerzania grupy. Powstał z inicjatywy Indii, Chin i Brazylii, a jego oficjalne otwarcie nastąpiło w 2014 r. Celem Banku jest finansowanie projektów infrastrukturalnych i rozwojowych w krajach członkowskich oraz innych państwach rozwijających się. W przeciwieństwie do innych nieurzeczywistnionych inicjatyw BRICS, jak agencja ratingowa czy centrum badań nad szczepionkami, NDB działa skutecznie dzięki silnej woli politycznej i niewielkim wymaganiom finansowym. Mająca siedzibę w Szanghaju instytucja działa globalnie i zdobywa międzynarodowe uznanie. Tekst analizuje przyczyny jego powstania i specyfikę funkcjonowania, dając przy tym odpowiedź na pytanie, dlaczego NDB pozostaje jedyną wspólną organizacją grupy BRICS.

Abstract Within wider debates surrounding the restitution of African objects, Achille Mbembe's thought has not yet received full exploration. Compared to major contributions by Felwine Sarr and Bénédicte Savoy, Mbembe's work on the matter remains relatively marginal. This article argues that Mbembe's writings on restitution merit greater visibility and centrality. It demonstrates how his views on restitution are distinguished by their unusually broad philosophical and historical framing. Exploring Mbembe's critique of existing positions within the debate on restitution, it analyzes his account of African objects’ epistemological significance and their function in precolonial African cultures. Indeed, Mbembe connects these objects with foundational questions about human/material relations as well as with the structure of Western forms of philosophical knowledge. True restitution, for Mbembe, rather than lesser acts of recuperation, requires a reckoning with these broader issues, including, ultimately, the treatment of Africa within European philosophy. This wider framing of restitution both enlarges our understanding of the parameters of the debate on the return of African objects and enlarges our perception of these objects’ global philosophical significance.

Abstract We theorize party attention to gender issues within the responsibility-versus-responsiveness framework, deriving and testing novel hypotheses in six Western Balkan countries (2012–2021) that aspire to European Union (EU) membership. We analyse gender-related responsibility in European Commission (EC) recommendations and examine party discourse to assess whether, how and to what extent parties and the EC align under conditions of supportive/opposing public opinion (responsiveness). Generally, attention to gender issues is low, especially on controversial topics like LGBTIQ+ rights (‘thick’ gender equality), compared to broadly accepted women’s rights (‘thin’ gender equality). Governing status influences attention to ‘thin’ gender issues, while ‘thick’ issues are highlighted mainly by green/alternative/libertarian (GAL) opposition parties. Our study advances knowledge of how public opinion, governing/opposition status and party ideology shape party attention to gender issues in aspiring EU members.

ABSTRACT The article concerns one of the lesser-known aspects of the “anti-Zionist campaign” waged in Poland (1967–1968) – the Polish-Israeli conflict over the memory of the common past – World War II and the Holocaust. The clash of cultural content about the Holocaust that built the collective memory of Israel and the West had to lead to a confrontation with the cultural memory and political propaganda in Poland. The study shows the elements and sources of antisemitic propaganda and demonstrates how the narratives propagated during the events of March 1968, with their often-distorted depictions of Polish-Jewish history, have significantly influenced the nationalist discourse that is still present in Polish politics and the public sphere.

This obituary pays tribute to Joseph S. Nye Jr. (1937–2025), one of the most influential thinkers in international relations of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. It traces his intellectual evolution from the early critique of realist orthodoxy to the formulation of key concepts such as soft power, smart power, and neoliberal institutionalism. The text highlights Nye’s dual role as a scholar and a policymaker, emphasizing his ability to translate theory into actionable foreign policy, notably during his service under the Carter and Clinton administrations. It reflects on Nye’s enduring efforts to embed ethics and legitimacy into strategic thinking and leadership, which ultimately shaped the global vocabulary of power. The obituary also situates Nye’s work in dialogue with figures such as Henry Kissinger, and revisits his influence on U.S.–Asia relations, NATO enlargement, and debates on American decline. The text concludes with some reflections on Nye’s legacy as a moral voice in foreign policy and a diagnostician of the changing nature of power in an interconnected world.