The Food Trust

Potential terror events such as "dirty bombs" could have significant public health effects, but little is known about how low-literacy populations perceive dirty bombs, their trust in public health or government officials to provide credible information, and their willingness to comply with recommended actions. We surveyed 50 low-literacy adults from a large urban center; they were mostly members of ethnic minority groups. We used unique social marketing methods-perceptual mapping and vector message modeling-to create 3-dimensional models that reflected respondents' knowledge of what a dirty bomb is, their intended behaviors should one occur, and their concerns about complying with "shelter in place" recommendations. To further understand individual variations in this at-risk group, a k-means cluster analysis was used to identify 3 distinct segments, differing on trust of local authorities and their emergency response, willingness to comply with emergency directives, and trust of information sources. Message strategies targeting each segment were developed to focus on concepts important to moving the groups toward a "shelter in place" behavior, revealing key differences in how best to communicate with risk communication. We discuss how these methods helped elucidate specific differences in each segment's understanding of and likely response during the event of a "dirty bomb" and how these techniques can be used to create more effective message strategies targeted to these groups.

ObjectiveAlthough many initiatives exist to improve the availability of healthy foods in corner stores, few randomized trials have assessed their effects. This study evaluated, in a randomized, controlled trial, the effects of a first-generation healthy corner store intervention on students’ food and beverage purchases over a two-year period.Design and MethodsParticipants (n=767) were 4th-6th grade students. Ten schools and their nearby corner stores (n=24) were randomly assigned to the healthy corner store intervention or an assessment-only control. Intercept surveys directly assessed the nutritional characteristics of students’ corner store purchases at baseline, 1 and 2 years. Students’ weight and heights were measured at baseline, 1 and 2 years.ResultsThere were no differences in energy content per intercept purchased from control or intervention schools at year 1 (p=0.12) or 2 (p=0.58). There were no differences between control and intervention students in BMI-z score (year 1, p=0.83; year 2, p=0. 98) or obesity prevalence (year 1, p=0.96; year 2, p=0.58).ConclusionsA healthy corner store initiative did not result in significant changes in the energy content of corner store purchases or in continuous or categorical measures of obesity. These data will help to inform future interventions.

Corner stores, also known as bodegas, are prevalent in low-income urban areas and primarily stock high-energy foods and beverages. Little is known about individual-level purchases in these locations. The purpose of the present study was to assess corner store purchases (items, nutritional characteristics and amount spent) made by children, adolescents and adults in a low-income urban environment. Evaluation staff used 9238 intercept surveys to directly examine food and beverage purchases. Intercepts were collected at 192 corner stores in Philadelphia, PA, USA. Participants were adult, adolescent and child corner store shoppers. Among the 9238 intercept surveys, there were 20 244 items. On average, at each corner store visit, consumers purchased 2.2 (sd 2.1) items (1.3 (sd 2.0) foods and 0.9 (sd 0.9) beverages) that cost $US 2.74 (sd $US 3.52) and contained 2786.5 (sd 4454.2) kJ (666.0 (sd 1064.6) kcal). Whether the data were examined as a percentage of total items purchased or as a percentage of intercepts, the most common corner store purchases were beverages, chips, prepared food items, pastries and candy. Beverage purchases occurred during 65.9% of intercepts and accounted for 39.2% of all items. Regular soda was the most popular beverage purchase. Corner store purchases averaged 66.2 g of sugar, 921.1 mg of sodium and 2.5 g of fibre per intercept. Compared with children and adolescents, adults spent the most money and purchased the most energy. Urban corner store shoppers spent almost $US 3.00 for over 2700 kJ (650 kcal) per store visit. Obesity prevention efforts may benefit from including interventions aimed at changing corner store food environments in low-income, urban areas.

To document implementation challenges and opportunities associated with small store interventions. Case study analysis of small store interventions conducted in 4 regions of the US. We systematically generated matrices to compare and contrast lessons learned to advance implementation science. Seven thematic areas were identified including: establishing relationships with stores, store owner and customer relationships, selection of intervention approaches, stocking healthier foods, evaluation, maintenance of changes, and dissemination. This information provides guidance to researchers and practitioners wishing to design, implement, and evaluate small store interventions.

An emerging body of research examines the health and economic impacts of healthy corner store interventions, although implementing valid mechanisms to capture changes in diet remains a challenge. Healthy corner store interventions employ strategies to help corner stores procure, maintain and market healthier foods such as fruits and vegetables, whole grains and low-fat dairy items like skim milk. A recent national convening of partners yielded a series of research and evaluation questions that need answers in order for the field to progress. Participants in the Healthy Corner Stores Symposium identified several challenges to developing a sustainable business model for small-scale healthy food retail. This group of practitioners, funders, lenders, academics, and other leaders ranked what they saw as the most promising opportunities for maximizing the positive impact these businesses have on the community. Unique to this forum, the agenda was born from a program-operation perspective and not from the more common approach where an independent researcher evaluates the efficacy of a program or intervention. As efforts to improve food systems emerge, such an approach to research is critical. The central challenges and a prioritized list of research questions are discussed.

Corner stores are part of the urban food environment that may contribute to obesity and diet-related diseases, particularly for low-income and minority children. The snack foods available in corner stores may be a particularly important aspect of an urban child's food environment. Unfortunately, there is little data on exactly what snack foods corner stores stock, or where these foods come from. We evaluated snack foods in 17 Philadelphia corner stores, located in three ethnically distinct, low-income school neighborhoods. We recorded the manufacturer, calories, fat, sugar, and sodium for all snack items, excluding candy and prepared foods. We then compared the nutritive content of assessed snack items to established dietary recommendations and a school nutrition standard. In total, stores stocked 452 kinds of snacks, with only 15% of items common between all three neighborhoods. Total and unique snacks and snack food manufacturers varied by neighborhood, but distributions in snack type varied negligibly: overall, there were no fruit snacks, no vegetable snacks, and only 3.6% of all snacks (by liberal definition) were whole grain. The remainder (96.4% of snacks) was highly processed foods. Five of 65 manufacturers supplied 73.4% of all kinds of snack foods. Depending on serving size definition, 80.0-91.5% of snack foods were "unhealthy" (by the school nutrition standard), including seven of 11 wholegrain products. A single snack item could supply 6-14% of a day's recommended calories, fat, sugar, and sodium on average (or 56-169% at the extreme) for a "typical" child. We conclude that corner store snack food inventories are almost entirely unhealthful, and we discuss possible implications and next steps for research and intervention.