University Press of Kansas

This chapter examines the liberal approaches to Christian prescriptivism, which have typically fallen under the label of the "essence of Christianity." The quest for the essence has its origins in the Reformation but becomes a widespread theological concern in the Enlightenment. This first chapter examines liberal, historicist, dialectical, and liberationist versions of this quest. Using Schleiermacher's rubric, I organize different versions of the essence along the lines of reason (doctrine), experience (culture), and morality (politics).

'No true Christian could vote for Donald Trump.' 'Real Christians are pro-life.' 'You can't be a Christian and support gay marriage.' Assertive statements like these not only reflect growing religious polarization but also express the anxiety over religious identity that pervades modern American Christianity. To address this disquiet, conservative Christians have sought security and stability: whether by retrieving 'historic Christian' doctrines, reconceptualizing their faith as a distinct culture, or reinforcing a political vision of what it means to be a follower of God in a corrupt world. The result is a concerted effort 'Make Christianity Great Again': a religious project predating the corresponding political effort to 'Make America Great Again.' Part intellectual history, part nuanced argument for change, this timely book explores why the question of what defines Christianity has become, over the last century, so damagingly vexatious - and how believers might conceive of it differently in future.

The expansionist agenda of the Polk administration culminated in the War with Mexico. The capture of Mexico City in September 1847 left the United States Army with the unprecedented task of occupying an enemy capital for an extended period. After the initial theaters of operation proved unable to secure a peace, Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott commenced a campaign to take central Mexico including the capital city. In March 1847, an army of 11,000 soldiers under Scott landed at Vera Cruz. In six months, Scott's army marched over 250 miles and won five major battles. In mid-September, Scott took Mexico City. Throughout the campaign, Scott attempted to implement a pacification plan in an effort to prompt Mexico to open peace negotiations. Concern for his army weighed heavily on him as he faced unprecedented challenges in occupying Mexico City after its capture. The United States simply had almost no experience in the ramifications of fighting a foreign war, other than a few brief small-scale incursions onto foreign soil at Tripoli in 1805 and in British Canada. The difficulties that arose for Scott from the situation in Mexico were frustrating. Scott pacification plan used conciliation, coercion, and force on Mexico's army and people in an effort to win the acceptance of the Mexican people. The success of his campaign depended on his army's ability to win battles while keeping Mexican civilian losses as low as possible. Scott devised a sophisticated pacification plan that was ahead of its time. This effort, together with his willingness to suspend operations after major battles to provide an opportunity for peace talks, reflected Scott's strategy. His goal was to end the war, not subjugate the Mexican people.

Objective: The objective of the research is to analyze whether the representation of workers in companies can validate collective bargaining in the same way as unions? What is the role of this commission in Brazil?Methodology: the methodology used is deductive, as for the means, the research was bibliographic, using doctrine, legislation, ILO Convention. As for the purposes, the research was qualitative.Results: The article analyzes the need for a constructive and democratic interpretation to enable the representation of workers effectively in our country.Contributions: The workers' representation institute received ILO treatment through Convention No. 135 and Recommendation No. 143, both from 1971. The 1988 Constitution dealt with the subject in art.11, but the practical implementation of this body did not occur. Only with the 2017 labor reform was the issue regulated, allowing its implementation in Brazilian companies. Thus, the contribution is towards presenting a solution to the phenomenon of worker representation, via constructive and democratic interpretation.

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Popular portrayals of ubiquitous computing tend to downplay the surveillance implications of emerging forms of mobile, networked interactivity. This essay seeks to supplement such accounts with a critical analysis of the emergence of digital enclosures that limit access to interactive networks and services to those who ‘freely’ submit to increasingly comprehensive forms of monitoring. If land enclosure helped produce the spatial conditions for the exploitation of wage labor, digital enclosures enable the exploitation of information generated by users as they go about their daily lives. Describing interactive networks, in both virtual and physical spaces, as forms of spatial enclosure helps to supplement privacy-based critiques of surveillance with questions about the ownership and control of data collected within the enclosure.

Presidential war power has expanded because of executive initiatives, congressional acquiescence, and judicial passivity. This article takes a look at the traditional role of courts in serving as an independent check on presidential war power. During the past half century, however, judges have increasingly invoked a number of doctrines to avoid deciding war power cases: standing, mootness, ripeness, political questions, and prudential considerations. This pattern culminates in Congressman Tom Campbell's challenge to President Bill Clinton's war in Yugoslavia, a case that failed on a combination of standing and political questions. The net effect of this legislative and judicial performance is that we now have unchecked presidential wars, a condition that would have astonished the framers of the Constitution.

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