Washington Office on Latin America

In 2017, Cuba prepared itself for a momentous change that was coming in 2018: the first time in 59 years that a Castro would not be leading the government. No one expects Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, whom the National Assembly elected as Cuba's president in April 2018, to chart a course dramatically different from the one President Raúl Castro had established. However, given the economic, demographic, and international political challenges Cuba faced in 2017, the year had to be viewed as the end of an era. Change is inevitable in order to sustain the Cuban Revolution.

AddictionVolume 100, Issue 12 p. 1889-1890 Illegal Drugs, Economy, and Society in the Andes JOHN WALSH, JOHN WALSH Washington Office on Latin America Washington, DC USASearch for more papers by this author JOHN WALSH, JOHN WALSH Washington Office on Latin America Washington, DC USASearch for more papers by this author First published: 23 November 2005 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1360-0443.2005.01354.xCitations: 1Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume100, Issue12December 2005Pages 1889-1890 RelatedInformation

In recent years, Latin American countries have sought to come to terms with prior periods of widespread human rights violations, relying increasingly on investigatory commissions. Investigatory efforts have been undertaken by democratically elected governments that replaced military dictatorships, by UN-sponsored commissions as part of a UN-mediated peace process, and by national human rights commissioners. This article examines truth commissions in Chile and El Salvador, an investigatory effort in Honduras, and a proposed commission in Guatemala. It compares the achievements and limitations of these commissions within the political constraints and institutional reality of each country, focusing on four major goals: the effort to create an authoritative account of the past; vindication of victims; recommendations for legislative, structural, or other changes to avoid repetition of past abuses; and establishing accountability or the identity of perpetrators.

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Abstract This article appraises the social programme of the Cristiani Government which intends to meet the basic needs of the poorest sectors. It identifies three main components: an emergency programme undertaken during stabilization; a social investment fund intended to compensate those affected by structural adjustment; and long‐term restructuring of social service delivery. Each component is assessed in terms of the target group, donor support, institutional framework and monitoring and evaluation of impact. The article examines the claim that the model of social service delivery in El Salvador is a model for other Latin American countries. The conclusions reached are that programme congestion at the local level is likely to thwart attempts to decentralize service delivery, and that community participation is a key element in any attempt to reform the social sector.

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