УКРАЇНА В ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКИХ ІСТОРИЧНИХ ПРОЦЕСАХ. РЕЦЕНЗІЯ НА РУКОПИС МОНОГРАФІЇ: Україна в історії Європи ХІХ – початку ХХІ століття. Історичні нариси / під ред. С. В. Віднянського. – К.: Інститут історії України НАН України, 2020. – 447 с.

REVIEWS AND SHORT NOTICES

The purpose of the research is to analyze the publications of foreign, diasporic and emigrant authors of the 1940s – 2000s, which are not controlled by communist propaganda, Soviet censorship and are not limited by Marxist theoretical and methodo-logical approaches, regarding the relationship between party and state bodies and the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) in the Ukrainian SSR in the 1940s – 1980s. Consider the specifi cs, stages, and dominant concepts of foreign, diasporic, and emigrant stud-ies. The research met hodology is based on a complex of general scientifi c (analysis, synthesis, comparison a nd generalization) and special scientifi c methods of historical knowledge (comparative analysis of text documents, historical-comparative, historical-genetic, historical-typological), principles of histor icism, problematic, comprehensive-ness, systematicity and objectivity. The historiographic heritage of relati ons between the authorities and the Russian Orthodox Church in the Ukrainian SSR in the 1940s – 1980s became the subject of study by many scientists in particular, N. Shlichta (Shlichta, 2007), N. Laas (Laas, 2008), were considered in our research (Kuksenko, 2017), but the works of authors not controlled by communist propaganda, Soviet censorship and not limited by Marxist research methodology were not comprehensively analyzed. We can note that the religious situation, the relationship between party and state bodies and the Church in the 1940s – 1980s in the Soviet state was a subject of interest among fore ign, diasporic and emigrant researchers. In their writings, they revealed the real situation of religious co mmunities, the persecution of clergymen and believers for their faith, which was hushed up both by the authorities and by Soviet and offi cial church historiography. At the same time, some authors drew attention to the specifi city of the religious situation in the Ukrainian SSR, the high degree of religiosity of Ukrainians and their greater will-ingness to defend religious rights than in other republics of the USSR. However, before the collapse of the USSR, researchers lacked sources for full objective argumentation of the proposed statements. Political, national, and confessional orientation often pre-vented individual authors from impartially covering the relations between the Church and the state, the policy of the Soviet government in the religious sphere. Since at that time it was the Russian Orthodox Church that represented the Orthodox community of Ukraine, it excluded it from the sphere of scientifi c interests of diaspora nationally conscious researchers. In connection with the end of the ideological confrontation of the «Cold War» period, the interest in studying the specifi cs of the relationship between the government and the Church in the Soviet period is gradually fading among foreign, diaspora, and emigrant authors, while it is growing in the latest Ukrainian and Russian historiographies. At the same time, national historiographies actively involve the pos-sessions of foreign, diasporic and emigrant authors, archival sources.

In the article, the author conducts a thorough and objective analysis of the Ukrainian crisis, it would seem, from a completely obvious, but rather unexpected side. The author believes that when considering the Ukrainian problem, it is necessary to focus on its "nuclear aspect". According to the author, the acuteness of the Ukrainian crisis after the collapse of the USSR and Ukraine's independence was exacerbated, first of all, because of the desire to acquire its own "nuclear status" to "contain Russia", but to ensure which it did not have the appropriate resources. The author tells about the dramatic situation that developed during the division of the nuclear arsenal of the former USSR after its collapse. The author convincingly substantiates Russia's position regarding the confirmation of its rights to the absolute possession of nuclear weapons, since it was necessary to put them under reliable and unified control. The author rightly believes that after the collapse of the USSR and the formation of four nuclear states instead of one at once, on the territory of which nuclear arsenals were located, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT, 1968) would be violated. The author analyzes in detail the Budapest memorandum of 1994 and proves that its main essence was to convince Ukraine to confirm its "non-nuclear status". The author reveals the role of the US and NATO in providing "guarantees" to Ukraine to confirm its "non-nuclear status". In the current situation, according to the author, it was necessary to preserve international nuclear security as a single system, which also met the interests of Russia. A special place in the article is occupied by the analysis of the "Crimean issue", which is part of the Ukrainian crisis. The author reveals the essence of "nuclear parity" and argues that the "spread" of nuclear weapons breaks the entire existing system of international nuclear security and will not be able to ensure peace. The author comes to the conclusion that the "nuclear aspect" is the main meaning of the Ukrainian crisis, which should be resolved not by unilateral, but by universal efforts.

Notes on Contributors

Notes on Contributors

In a dazzling new interpretation of four hundred years of modern French history, Charles Tilly focuses not on kings and courtiers but on the common people of village and farm buffeted by the inexorable advance of large-scale capitalism and the consolidation of a powerful nation-state. Tilly, author of The Vendée and many other books, chooses the contention of the masses as his medium in painting this vivid picture of the people's growing ability and willingness to fight injustice, challenge exploitation, and claim their own place in the hierarchy of power. Contention is not necessarily disorder. The more we look at contention, says Tilly, the more we discover order created by the rooting of collective action in everyday social life through a continuous process of signaling, negotiation, and struggle. In seventeenth-century France, ordinary people did not know how to demonstrate, rally, or strike, but they had standard procedures for expelling a tax collector, undermining a corrupt official, and shaming moral offenders. By the end of the eighteenth century, French people were experimenting with delegations, public meetings, and popular justice. Through the nineteenth century, with the growth of an industrial proletariat, they developed an extensive repertoire of strikes, demonstrations, and direct attacks on landlords and capitalists, as well as conflicts setting worker against worker. In the twentieth century, scenarios of protest expanded to even larger-scale forms such as mass meetings, electoral campaigns, and broad-based social movements. Rather than arguing these developments in the abstract, The Contentious French provides lively descriptions of real events, with pauses to make sense of their patterns. The result is a view of politics with the common struggle for power at its core and the changing structure of power as its envelope. The Contentious French is bound to be controversial, and therefore required reading for specialists in European history, social movements, and collective action. Its fresh approach will also appeal to students and general readers.

The collective monograph (edited by Viktor Sadovnichy, Askar Akaev, Ilya Ilyin, Sergey Malkov, Leonid Grinin, and Andrey Korotayev, yet the team of authors is much larger) was published last year with the sonorous title ‘Reconsidering the Limits to Growth. A Report to the Russian Association of the Club of Rome’. Тhis title refers to the famous phenomenon of the so-called Club of Rome reports and forecasts. And the authors (as William R. Thompson notes in the Preface) represent ‘... an outstanding group of analysts working in Moscow’ (p. v).

Modern science is experiencing a real “memorial boom”. Memory studies have become a leading topic in social and humanitarian studies. At the same time, the politicization of the phenomenon of memory is also taking place. Today memory stopped to be the subject of philosophy only. One of the “memory nodes” of modern society is the Second World War. Revisionist tendencies in the interpretation of its causes and consequences are especially strong in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which are in the process of constructing their own national identity. Slavic countries are no exception, and memory about the War and the role of the “Slavic movement” in it are becoming very relevant. That is why this article attempts to show the evolution of attitudes towards the Slavic movement and the idea of Slavic unity – from the return of the Slavic theme to historiography, to the political institutionalization of the Slavic movement.

The South Slavs have a long tradition of belief in protective domestic spirits and in malevolent demons of the field, forest and water.(1) Such mythological creatures were prevalent among all Slavic peoples and are part of the common Indo-European heritage.(2) Whereas most beliefs of this type receded among the East and West Slavs by the end of the nineteenth century, they were maintained in many areas of the Balkans until the beginning of the Second World War.(3) Ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the 1960s-1980s has shown that many farmers and stockbreeders in the more remote villages (of former Yugoslavia) have not abandoned their traditional beliefs. For example, the protector housesnake,(4) mischievous forest and dangerous water spirits, and many lesser mythological beings have been reported in several South Slavic territories in the last forty years. Many traditional domestic rituals have their origin in the conviction that the family ancestor's spirit resides under the threshold or near the open hearth and, if properly cared for, will ensure happiness and good fortune for the family. In Russia that spirit was manifest in the domovoj, spirit, but as this name itself was taboo, he was referred to in euphemisms such as ded or deduska, grandfather, and xozjain master. Offerings of food, especially bread and salt, the traditional symbols of hospitality, were routinely left for the domovoj at night before the family retired. The corresponding belief in a protector-ancestor spirit in the South Slavic territories saw the male founder of the family incarnate in a housesnake which was euphemized most commonly in Serbo-Croatian as cuvarica cuvarkuca protector, and kucarica household one, and in Bulgarian stopanin or stopan master of the house; compare English stoop, i.e., the threshold, the resting place of this spirit.(5) The South Slavs' perception of mythological beings was based on a dualistic view which incorporated both positive and negative features. This was true of snakes as well. Most snakes were considered incarnations of demons living in the Underworld (Donji svet) and were to be killed on sight, poisonous or not. Yet the white snake rarely seen, but thought to live under the threshold, in the foundation, or near the house was considered to embody the spirit of the family's first male ancestor. In Serbia the protector snake was sometimes believed to live in the foundation wall near the threshold, but in most areas it was said to dwell in, behind, or under the hearth. Likewise, both locations were thought to be the dwelling place of the domovoj in pre-Revolutionary Russia, and each has been the site of domestic rituals in all parts of the Slavic world. The family's albino protector snake not only caught

Gender Ideology and Infant Abandonment in Nineteenth-Century Italy Few images of Italian women are more vivid than the devoted mamma, zealously protecting her children. That image is still invoked in Italy today when people lament the decline in family values. Yet it cannot withstand historical scrutiny, as an examination of the massive dimensions of infant abandonment in Italy's past makes clear. Just over a century ago, more than 33,000 Italian newborns were being abandoned every year at foundling homes which were so overrun by unwanted children that they scarcely knew what to do with them. For part of this period, over one third of all babies born in the cities of Milan and Florence were left at foundling homes. Nor was Italy exceptional in this regard, for similar mass abandonment of newborns occurred in France, Russia, Austria, Spain, Portugal, and elsewhere in the nineteenth century.1 Boswell's The Kindness of Strangers has directed attention to the staggering dimensions of infant abandonment in European history.2 Yet his book deals primarily with the centuries before institutionalized means were established in western Europe to deal with abandonment. Foundling homes were built in a number of Italian cities in the fifteenth century, and this system then spread to many other European countries. Abandonment of infants

The Everyday Nationalism of Workers: A Social History of Modern Belgium

In general, historians of science and historians of ideas do not focus on critical appraisals of scientific ideas such as vitalism and materialism from Catholic intellectuals in eastern and southeastern Europe, nor is there much comparative work available on how significant European ideas in the life sciences such as materialism and vitalism were understood and received outside of France, Germany, Italy and the UK. Insofar as such treatments are available, they focus on the contributions of nineteenth century vitalism and materialism to later twentieth ideologies, as well as trace the interactions of vitalism and various intersections with the development of genetics and evolutionary biology see Mosse (The culture of Western Europe: the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Westview Press, Boulder, 1988, Toward the final solution: a history of European racism. Howard Fertig Publisher, New York, 1978; Turda et al., Crafting humans: from genesis to eugenics and beyond. V&R Unipress, Goettingen, 2013). English and American eugenicists (such as William Caleb Saleeby), and scores of others underscored the importance of vitalism to the future science of "eugenics" (Saleeby, The progress of eugenics. Cassell, New York, 1914). Little has been written on materialism qua materialism or vitalism qua vitalism in eastern Europe. The Czech and Slovene cases are interesting for comparison insofar as both had national awakenings in the middle of the nineteenth century which were linguistic and scientific, while also being religious in nature (on the Czech case see David, Realism, tolerance, and liberalism in the Czech National awakening: legacies of the Bohemian reformation. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010; on the Slovene case see Kann and David, Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526-1918. University of Washington Press, Washington, 2010). In the case of many Catholic writers writing in Moravia, there are not only slight noticeable differences in word-choice and construction but a greater influence of scholastic Latin, all the more so in the works of nineteenth century Czech priests and bishops.

The status and image of minorities often depends not on their self-perceptions, but on the official stance taken by the state in which they live. While identity is commonly recognized as malleable and personal, the official status of minorities is couched in stiff scientific language claiming to be authoritative. But as polities change, these supposedly scientific categorizations of minorities also change. Based on academic reports and parliamentary decisions, in Hungary today the Catholic South Slavs known as Bunjevci are officially regarded as an obscure branch of the Croatian nation. This has not always been the case. Early records of the Bunjevci categorized them in a variety of ways, most commonly as Catholic Serbs, Dalmatians, and Illyrians. In the nineteenth century Bunjevac elites were able to project to the Hungarian public a mythological positive historical image of the Bunjevci, delineating them from the negative stereotypes of other South Slavs. This positive image, fixed in encyclopaedias and maintained until the Second World War, represented the Bunjevci as Catholic Serbs who (unlike Croats or Orthodox Serbs) were constantly faithful to the Hungarian state and eager to assimilate. In the 1920s and 1930s traditional Hungarian stereotypes of Bunjevci protected them from abuses suffered by other South Slavs. As political relations transformed, official views of the Bunjevci also changed. With the massive upheaval during and after the Second World War, there was a change in accounts of who the Bunjevci were. The transformation from communism and the break-up of Yugoslavia have also evoked demands for changes in identity from some Bunjevci, and brought new impositions of identity upon them.

As seen from Ukraine, the Soviet collapse in 1991 was no revolution with clear-cut victors and obvious regime change. The republic obtained independence peacefully when the Soviet Union disintegrated, and the same politicians and industrial managers who for decades had built socialism became founding fathers (and very few mothers) of an independent Ukrainian state. As happened elsewhere in the former USSR, the Communist Party was banned, but by then it was only a shadow of its former self, more dynamic functionaries having moved to the parliament and government. Lacking electoral strength to govern on its own, the Ukrainian opposition did not topple the old regime in the republic but made an implicit deal with its more flexible representatives, led by Leonid Kravchuk. Both sides wanted an independent Ukraine, the opposition for ideological reasons and the renegade elites for a fiefdom for them to rule without taking orders from the Kremlin. This pact left in power old political elites-purged of the most odious party hacks, who did not change colors well-to govern as custodians of a new state. Moreover, with the nationalist right supportive and the Communist Party banned, Kravchuk faced almost no political opposition during his first years in office.

There are few research fields in European history that have received as much scholarly attention over the last few years as citizenship and the First World War. While this is also true for the Italian case, there is still a striking absence of research on citizenship laws in the colonial territories under Italian sovereignty. The present article addresses this gap and challenges the long-established assumption – due to an all too narrow focus on the historical military framework – that the First World War did not really affect the colonies of the Kingdom of Italy. An investigation of how the legal status of the colonial population – especially in Eritrea, on the one hand, and in Tripolitania and Cyrenaica, on the other – was regulated, but also contested, claimed and negotiated, both during the conflict and in its immediate aftermath, reveals that a global event like the First World War actually had a significant impact on the Italian territories in the Horn of Africa and in North Africa. To illustrate this point, the article adopts an approach based on local players in the colonies rather than on legislators or policymakers in the metropole. Contemporary sources collected from several different archives are used to retrace personal stories and administrative processes which reveal important aspects in the story not only of Italian colonialism but of the Italian state in general. Citizenship in the Italian territories in Africa, as much as in other European colonies, was marked by the prejudicial concept of the backwardness of Africans, who were thus excluded from metropolitan citizenship. Beyond that, the article highlights utilitarianism as a concept that can help us to understand how Italy dealt with the inhabitants of its colonies during the First World War.