«Только самому тебе, подданному нашему, и калмыкам твоего владения за мирным состоянием с турецкими подданными ссоры не всчинать». Государева грамота Петра I к калмыцкому хану Аюке 1718 г.

Fetishizing the Foot: Mobility and Meaning in Indian Ocean Sandals

The entire literature concerned with the philosophy and methodology of history during the three centuries preceding 1800 can be schematically divided into two groups, although in individual works the two aspects were often fused and difficult to differentiate, especially in the eighteenth century when these two branches met. The first tendency was educational or pedagogical, the second and ancillary. One branch stemmed from the antique tradition of didactic history, clearly the product of classical influences such as rhetoric and Stoicism. and emphasized the utilitarian role of history in the private and public sphere. This so-called exemplar history' stressed the efficacy of historical examples as opposed to philosophical principles. In the various artes historicae of the sixteenth century, those essays describing the ways or means of studying or writing history, this was the emphasis which we meet almost exclusively. We can also say pedagogical in the strict sense of the word, insofar as these considerations about the role of history were to be found in larger educational treatises from Vives until the end of the eighteenth century Rollin, La Chalotais, or Condillac, to mention only a few later writers.2 The second branch was a younger one, beginning in the seventeenth century. This variety was a product of such influences as Cartesianism and the monastic tradition of erudite research; it dealt with questions of historical epistemology and logic, and contained, for example, debates on historical pyrrhonism. Seen from this viewpoint, critical may be broadly interpreted to include, beginning in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, historical dictionaries and catalogues, and, in the eighteenth century, historical journals. The late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, as we shall see, maintained an intense interest in the question of historical pyrrhonism. Yet all but a minority of the historical treaties produced at this time were essentially in nature, and logic came in second place. Any speculations about historical doubt derived generally from didactic motivations, rather than from philosophical or pyrrhonistic detachment. We may say that in the eighteenth century there developed a diversification of concerns. Questions of method, problems, or criticism became more defined and multiplied. Old elements of historical theory underwent adaptation in order to meet new social and political needs. This is clearly noticeable in the role of history in the programs or in the introductions and contents of the historical catechisms. At the same time, there was a fusion of research and his-

Secret Cables of the Comintern, 1933–1943

This chapter examines presences of ancient biography in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The popularity of biography in seventeenth-century Europe was mainly due to the numerous translations of Plutarch’s Parallel Lives. Conversely, Suetonius, whose Lives of the Caesars were extremely influential in the early modern period, was less read in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Meanwhile, Diogenes Laertius’ Lives of Eminent Philosophers contributed to the rise of literary and philosophical biography. However, the more life-writing is considered as a literary practice, the less its historical reliability is valued. If, in the seventeenth century, Lives were generally regarded as a historical genre, eighteenth-century philosophers criticized the historical interest of biography, at a time in which history began to be studied as a science more than as a pedagogical device.

Violent Crimes and Retaliation in the European Criminal Justice System between the Seventeenth and Nineteenth Century

Introduction. Red Soviet Cossacks were little studied by Soviet historical science, because their presence and number did not always correspond to the theory of class struggle. Most Cossacks opposed the Bolsheviks during the Civil War, but the Bolsheviks always tried to create their red Cossack military units. At first they tried to revive the old Cossack regiments of the tsarist army, but under the command of Soviet power supporters. Then they tried to mobilize the Cossacks in the Red army, but the mobilization did not give the expected result. Materials. The source used materials from the Cossack Department of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the State Archive of the Russian Federation; funds of the Red Cossack units in the Red Army (23rd Infantry Division) – Russian State Military Archive; information material on the Cossack parts of the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History; similar documentation stored in the funds of the Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of Rostov Region. The author used publications of Bolshevist and anti-Bolshevist periodicals, which show how the Don Cossacks and their Bolsheviks and their opponents characterized the Red Don Cossacks. Analysis. In summer 1918, the interest of Cossacks in economic relations with the cities of Central Russia played an important role, and some Cossack settlements supported the Bolsheviks in order not to break these economic contacts. Nevertheless, Cossack Soviet regiments were created by September–October, 1918. They consisted of volunteers, and their quantity was limited. In the documents of the Cossack Department of the Central Executive Committee we find refers to 4 Soviet Cossack regiments created in the first year after the October revolution. In fact, there were more Cossack units, but not all of them reached the number of a regiment. At the end of 1918, when the Red army launched the offensive, the number of Soviet Cossack regiments increased. Results. When forming Soviet Cossack regiments, the Bolsheviks tried to use old organizational forms – to revive the Don Cossack regiments of the tsarist army, but under new leadership. It succeeded partially. The attempts to mobilize the Cossacks in the Red Army did not give the expected result. In the event of sharp changes in the situation at the front in favor of the enemy, the mobilized either switched to his side or went home. The basis of forming Soviet Cossack units in 1918 formed the principle of voluntariness. Soviet Cossack units were formed primarily under general democratic slogans and where there was no obvious conflict between Cossack and non- Cossack population. In 1918, while the Bolsheviks did not pursue the policy of food dictatorship and did not curtail trade, a significant role for the Red Cossacks was played by the factor of their economic ties with large Russian economic centers. Cossack regiments of the Red Army inherited the high fighting qualities of the Cossack units from the old tsarist army, maneuverability and stamina inherent to the Cossacks, as evidenced by the high score they were given by the representatives of the hostile camp.

Grodno as a city in the Republic of Belarus, with its rich and diverse culture, is almost 1000 years old. It arose as one of the political and administrative centers of ancient Rus. In the middle of the thirteenth century it stood at the beginning of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which formed in the Neman region. The Grand Duke of Lithuania Vytautas received the city from his father Kestutis and from that moment on Grodno became the residence of the great dukes of Lithuania, and later Polish kings. At the end of the eighteenth century, after the partition of Poland, Grodno was seized by the Russian authorities. As a provincial town of the Russian empire it suffered a violent Russification, which was continued in the times of the Soviet Union. On receiving independence in 1991, the Republic of Belarus began an independent political life. However, the election in 1994 of A. Lukashenko for President shattered the independent Belarusian state development trend and started a restoration of Soviet institutions of power and traditions. Instead of Belarusian national symbols in public life, Soviet symbols reappeared, which blurred the traces of the rich and varied history of the country. Grodno is perhaps the most interesting city of Belarus because of its multiculturalism.

During the past two decades, there has been an outpouring of research on the seaboard mortality associated with intercontinental migration during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. The focus of historical interest in this linkage between mortality and migration has been the Atlantic slave trade. We now have mortality rates on voyages from various regions in Africa to various destinations in the Americas, from the late seventeenth century to the mid-nineteenth century (see Curtin, 1968, 1969: 275-286; Klein and Engerman, 1976, 1979; Klein, 1978; Postma, 1979; Miller, 1981; Cohn and Jensen, 1982a, 1982b; Cohn, 1985; Eltis, 1984, 1987; Steckel and Jensen, 1986; Galenson, 1986). These slave studies have spawned renewed interest in the mortality associated with other seaborne populations, and mortality rates have been calculated on Dutch immigrant voyages to the East Indies during the eighteenth century, European convict and immigrant voyages to North America and European immigrant voyages to Australia during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and Indian and Pacific Islander indentured labor voyages to Fiji and Queensland, Australia, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (see Riley, 1981; Eltis, 1983; Cohn, 1984, 1985, 1987, 1988; Grubb, 1987; Ekirch, 1987; Morgan, 1985; Shlomowitz, 1986, 1987, 1989; McDonald and Shlomowitz, 1988, forthcoming).

Reviewed by: Prometheus Tamed: Fire, Security, and Modernities, 1400 to 1900 by Cornel Zwierlein Edward Tenner (bio) Prometheus Tamed: Fire, Security, and Modernities, 1400 to 1900 By Cornel Zwierlein. Leiden: Brill, 2021. Pp. 547. To scholars and lay people alike, the Enlightenment may mean many things—rejection of revealed religion, celebration of science and reason, and advocacy of human rights. In Prometheus Tamed, Conrad Zwierlein presents a radical reinterpretation of Central European thought and institutions in the transition from the premodern era to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. For Zwierlein, the key to the Enlightenment as a social and political movement lies not in philosophical theory but in a new urgency in the quest for material security. A survey of keywords in German-language periodicals of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries reveals a striking amount of attention to fires—a retrospectively obvious point given the tolls on life and property of the conflagrations that so often ravaged early modern cities. In the two decades from 1680 to 1700, Zwierlein finds a decisive turn from an old to a new framework for dealing with fires. Well into the eighteenth century, many pious Christians continued to see fires and other natural hazards as divine punishment for the sins of the community, recalling Sodom and Gomorrah and other Biblical chastisements. The rise of deism—which denied the intervention of the Creator in nature and human affairs—was among the sins said to bring down the wrath of heaven. Governments were already abandoning this religious interpretation of urban fires in the seventeenth century and moving toward an acceptance of their inevitability. Science and experience could reduce the number of fires and contain their damage, and the destruction caused by fires could be mitigated. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz summarized the new attitude when he wrote in 1680 of two kinds of security: "real-assecurationen," which prevented fires, and "verbal-assecurationen," arrangements like insurance policies that provided financial relief from fire losses. Fire policy marked the arrival of a new kind of public policy in the West, a role for the [End Page 925] state and private organizations in providing security—ultimately not only against fire and flood damage but against illness. Fire insurance and firefighting technology were first steps toward a new vision of society. The author's research in both original (including archival) sources and current theoretical issues is nothing short of prodigious, especially in the theory and practice of fire insurance in the early modern German-speaking world. This book will be indispensable for scholars of early modern administrative and urban history and the history of what the author calls the "normal secure society," as well as of innovations in fire prevention and suppression technology. It even contributes to art history in its interpretation of the changing iconography of urban fires. (Some of the most striking images were created by the inventor of the modern fire hose, Jan van der Heyden, an artist-entrepreneur and veritable seventeenth-century Dutch Leonardo, who also improved firefighting pumps and devised street lighting.) There are points at which the legendary thoroughness of the Habilitationsschrift genre may intimidate nonspecialists. The early history of insurance shows that our present idea of insurance arose centuries after the first maritime contracts in Italy, for example the requirement of paying the premium in advance. The discussion of jurists' efforts to squeeze insurance contracts within the framework of Roman law is important for understanding Leibniz's innovations, but details could have been presented in a separate paper for specialists. Conversely, the author does not do justice to some of the better-known figures in the technology and discourse of fire. Benjamin Franklin receives too little attention, despite his contributions to safety technology (lightning rods, improved stoves), fire brigades, and fire insurance, which exemplified the ideas of security that Leibniz had advanced. Voltaire's poem "On the Lisbon Disaster," which mocked Leibniz's optimism in light of that city's devastation by earthquake and fire in 1755, does not appear in the bibliography of published primary sources despite its contemporary impact. The physical book is also a case study in what Thomas Hughes called the reverse salient. Digital printing on demand makes possible a...

Law is always shaped to some extent by economic factors. Contrary to the implications of some legal historians,' this was nothing new in the nineteenth century. In fact, the American legal system underwent steady change in response to economic developments well before the alleged modernization in the nineteenth century. During the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, America passed from a basically agrarian to a commercial and then to an industrial society. At the same time, the law adapted to the interests and concerns of a landed elite in the seventeenth and early eighteenth century, a commercial elite during the rest of the eighteenth century, and then an industrial elite in the nineteenth century. Because the law was responding to a changing economy and a changing elite, it should be no surprise that the law changed. This article focuses on the adaptation of the New York legal system to economic developments of the eighteenth century. The significance of legal adaptations of the eighteenth century is often not recognized by historians for two reasons. First, they are often ignored because the eighteenth century adaptations were of a different nature than the changes of the nineteenth century. Specifically, in the nineteenth century the substance of the law changed in response to economic developments while in the eighteenth century legal practice changed. Procedure and practice are not neutral, just as the substance of contract and tort law are not neutral. Different forms of legal practice support and further different economic structures and interests. Therefore, changes in legal practice are just as significant as changes in substantive law.

Reviewed by: De Religione: Telling the Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Story in Huron to the Iroquois William A. Starna De Religione: Telling the Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Story in Huron to the Iroquois. Edited and Translated by John L. Steckley. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 2004. Pp. x, 213. $34.95.) John Steckley, Professor of Liberal Arts and Sciences at Humber College Institute of Technology and Advanced Learning in Toronto, has for many years immersed himself in the documents that recount the once-spoken language of the Hurons, which he labels Wendat. De Religione is his translation of what is the longest extant text in this language, one that he suggests was written in the late seventeenth century by Philippe Pierson (1642–1688), a Jesuit missionary posted at the time in New France. Although the purpose of the text is unknown, it is Steckley's guess that perhaps "new missionaries wrote it out as part of their lessons in learning Iroquoian languages and that sections were used as homilies or sermons for one-on-one religious instruction" (p. 3). Furthermore, he notes, its message was specifically directed at the five Iroquois nations whose people, Steckley maintains, could understand Huron. Steckley places Pierson's text in historical and linguistic contexts by offering sketches of the Jesuit missions and the Father's efforts to learn and control the native languages spoken in New France, along with a short account of the nearly always contentious Iroquois-French experience. There is also a brief discussion on the Iroquois "Great Law" which Steckley believes is key to understanding these people, no matter that the essentials of this epic are unknown for the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. More germane, it would seem, is Steckley's analysis of how Jesuits chose Huron/Wendat words to represent or express Christian concepts, for example, the Trinity, the notion of sin, holiness, soul, and spirit, all indispensable in Roman Catholic religious discourse. De Religione is an arresting if dense text filled with linguistic and philosophic complexities. Its initial creation in Pierson's mind and then transformation into Huron/Wendat had to have been a taxing exercise, even for a well-educated and devoted Jesuit. There is no telling how it was received by native people, assuming that there had been an opportunity for it to be heard. At once part religious lesson and part ecclesiastical and mission history, De Religione confronts a series of themes including, for example, the nature of God, the division of body and soul, heaven and hell, the devil, and death and resurrection. There are a few questions in regard to Steckley's approach to the translation that require mention. First is Steckley's rather presumptuous declaration that his translation, "as much as possible," provides a "'Huron read'—to be understood in the way a Huron might have understood it—rather than to convey the Jesuits' intent" (p. 19). The notion that a non-native (or native) translator might affect a Huron perspective in translating any such text from the seventeenth century is dubious in the extreme. In addition is Steckley's assertion that the [End Page 300] Huron/Wendat words of De Religione, when voiced, would have been understood by speakers of the five Iroquois languages. This would mean that Huron/Wendat, and then the Seneca, Cayuga, Onondaga, Oneida, and Mohawk languages, were mutually intelligible in the late seventeenth century, a condition that is generally unsupported in the literature. Finally, there is the matter of transparency. Given the somewhat arcane status of the Huron language, it would have been helpful had Steckley more fully explained how he moved from period Huron-French dictionaries to his Huron-English translation, and what part the Latin text found alongside that in Huron in the original might have played in its preparation. William A. Starna State University of New York at Oneonta Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario Copyright © 2006 The Catholic University of America Press

The article analyzes the process of origin and development of migration policy of state entities on Ukrainian lands in the 10th – first half of the 18th century. The research methodology is to study and analyze the organizational and legal foundations of Ukrainian migration policy during the study period. The validity of theoretical provisions, conclusions, scientific analysis and reliability of the results of the study is ensured by the use of a set of philosophical, general scientific and special scientific methods, namely: historical law, comparative law, historical and functional, formal legal and others. The study was conducted from the perspective of the principles of historicism, objectivity, versatility, complementarity and validity, which created a sound methodological basis for a comprehensive analysis of the subject matter of the study. The scientific novelty is the historical and legal analysis of the basic state-legal elements of migration policy, the identification of peculiarities of their functioning and effectiveness. The scientific novelty is the historical and legal analysis of the basic state-legal elements of migration policy, the identification of peculiarities of their functioning and effectiveness. The paper states that in the Middle Ages state control was established over the movements of foreigners, ambassadors and merchants. Subsequently, as the socio-economic and political situation changed, the problem of regulating the movement of not only the privileged classes but also the general population arose. It is observed that further strengthening of migration control, both external and internal, comes from the introduction of a passport system. It was found that effective state control over migration, which was based on the passport system, was managed not by the Polish authorities but by the Russian authorities. It was noted that the system of control over the population movement and passport system for some time was established in the territory of Zaporizhzhia Troops, which, in addition, allowed the Sich to emphasize its jurisdiction over the owners of Cossack passports. It has been proved that, since the seventeenth century, the passport has become the main instrument in the implementation of the state migration policy. It is established that it was in the 16th–17th centuries practices of managed and forced resettlement are being started, which will later be actively used by the Soviet authorities. Keywords: migration, a migration policy, a passport, a managed resettlement.

In 1712 the poet Elkanah Settle (1648–1724) published a funeral poem, Threnodia Apollinaris , dedicated to the memory of Dr Martin Lister.[1][1] Settle had a good deal of material to draw upon, because Lister had been Vice-President of the Royal Society, a physician to Queen Anne, and the first

I WILL BEGIN WITH some remarks on the history of these disciplinary apparatuses (dispositifs). Last week tried to describe them rather abstractly, without any diachronic dimension and apart from any system of causes that may have led to their establishment and generalization. What I described is a sort of apparatus (appareil) or machinery, the major forms of which are clearly apparent in the seventeenth century, let’s say especially in the eighteenth century. Actually, the disciplinary apparatuses (dispositifs) were not formed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, far from it, and they certainly did not replace overnight those apparatuses of sovereignty with which I tried to compare them. Disciplinary apparatuses come from far back; for a long time they were anchored and functioned in the midst of apparatuses of sovereignty; they were formed like islands where a type of power was exercised which was very different from what could be called the period’s general morphology of sovereignty.KeywordsEighteenth CenturySixteenth CenturyReligious OrderCivil CodeCommon LifeThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Reviewed by: Aiming for Pensacola: Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers by Matthew J. Clavin John H. Matsui Aiming for Pensacola: Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers. By Matthew J. Clavin. ( Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 2016. Pp. [x] 252. $35.00, ISBN 978-0-674-08822-1.) Although never explicitly referred to as such, Matthew J. Clavin's book is a significant contribution to borderlands history. If borderlands history once emphasized the frontiers of nations and empires, it now deals with, as Pekka Hämäläinen and Samuel Truett have written, "ambiguous and often-unstable realms where boundaries are also crossroads, peripheries are also central places, homelands are also passing-through places, and the end points of empire are also forks in the road" ("On Borderlands," Journal of American History, 98 [September 2011], 338). These words ring true for Florida, which was the site of imperial and racial conflict as well as cooperation between Africans, Native Americans, and Europeans well before the United States annexed it. The conflict between Spanish and English colonists, American nationals, Native Americans, and Africans over land and slavery hardly ceased in 1821. [End Page 407] This work's ambitious claims extend further than the existing research on self-emancipated slaves warrants. While at least three hundred fugitives from American slavery ran to Pensacola in the four decades before the American Civil War, they represent the tip of the iceberg of selfemancipated Americans in those years. Recent studies of the American abolitionist movement and the Underground Railroad reinforce this sense of scale. Manisha Sinha notes that historians today estimate some 150,000 African Americans freed themselves by running away between 1830 and 1860 (The Slave's Cause: A History of Abolition [New Haven, 2016], 382). Eric Foner concurs, suggesting that 1,000 to 5,000 annually voted with their feet for freedom in those three decades (Gateway to Freedom: The Hidden History of the Underground Railroad [New York, 2015], 4). Yet scale is not everything. Spanish Florida was a colonial society with slaves, but it also contained free people of color who "benefited from the absence of the inflexible binary racial divide that characterized neighboring Anglo-American societies and the strictly ordered caste system that persisted throughout much of Spanish America" (p. 26). Indeed, not only were some black Floridians free, but also some were armed. Louisiana's Third Battalion—stationed in Pensacola after the American Revolution—included black soldiers who wore red coats left behind by the British, an irony not missed by American visitors. Over a hundred black and mixed-race men formed part of the Pensacola militia, a phenomenon absent from the southern United States outside of New Orleans. By the final years of Spanish rule a majority of Pensacola's nearly one thousand residents were black. By 1860 Florida was by far the smallest of the future Confederate states in a demographic sense, and when admitted to the Union a few months before Texas, it had barely a quarter of the Lone Star State's population. Florida's white population was a third as large as that of Arkansas, the next smallest rebel state. Considering Florida's peripheral status and long coastline, it was little surprise that the Confederacy expended few resources on the defense of the state or that the Union was able to maintain control of Fort Pickens near Pensacola. By May 1862, Confederate forces abandoned the Pensacola region due to manpower shortages and the demand for soldiers along the western front in Tennessee. Black Floridians quickly allied with Union soldiers who occupied Florida. This military backwater was governed by abolitionist generals. Underground Railroad conductor Neal Dow of New England arrived at Pensacola as a Union brigadier general and began recruiting and arming slaves. Other antislavery officers organized Sunday schools where black soldiers and children alike could learn to read. From its inception as a Spanish colony through the American Civil War years, Florida defied the racial norms set by the Spanish, British, and Americans due in part to its location at the intersection of those competing worlds. Clavin has given American and borderlands historians an excellent study of one underappreciated frontier...