Пути повышения качества жизни бедного и беднейшего населения за счет обеспечения доступности услуг: международный опыт

Poverty is a complex issue that involves more than just income levels, affecting various aspects of life such as health, education, and living conditions. The ongoing discussion about how to measure poverty, whether through absolute or relative terms, reflects the challenges in assessing it. Absolute poverty is based on a set standard that focuses on meeting basic needs for survival, while relative poverty looks at income disparities within a society. This study explores existing research on multidimensional poverty and examines the debate between absolute and relative poverty measures, considering their respective advantages and disadvantages. A notable conclusion from the research is that multidimensional poverty indices (MPIs), like the Multidimensional Poverty Index, provide a broad view of deprivation by including multiple factors. MPIs help policymakers design more targeted interventions in areas such as education, healthcare, and living standards. However, absolute poverty measures, such as the World Bank’s $1.90-per-day threshold, are still essential for tracking extreme poverty in developing nations, offering a clear benchmark for international comparisons. In contrast, relative poverty measures are particularly relevant in wealthier nations, where inequality and social exclusion are more prominent factors in poverty. This study highlights gaps in how these different approaches are integrated and calls for further research to improve models that address both absolute and relative poverty. The findings suggest that combining multidimensional, absolute, and relative poverty measures is important for fully understanding poverty and creating effective strategies to reduce it, adapted to the needs of specific regions and contexts.

Poverty is rather high in contemporary Russia: every eighth Russian was poor according to the official statistics in 2018. Fighting poverty is among the top strategic development goals for the period till 2024. The paper studies gender disparities in poverty among Russian adults. Better understanding of gender structure of poverty in Russia would facilitate poverty reduction via better targeting and better tailoring of policy instruments. We utilize micro data of the Survey of income and social program participation by Rosstat as of 2017 for our statistical analysis. Two alternative poverty concepts are used: absolute income poverty (the official methodology of poverty measurement in Russia) and poverty risk and social exclusion index (the key component of poverty monitoring indicator in the EU). The latter index is a composition of relative poverty and deprivation poverty measures. Our results indicate that, on average, there is no gender poverty gap in Russia when absolute poverty concept is used: poverty rates among males and females are the same on average. Hence, we find no statistical support to the widely used by the media thesis of poverty feminization in Russia. Absolute poverty rate, however, is found to vary significantly across different gender-age groups: absolute income poverty among females is higher than among males in young and senior ages, while males are poorer in mid-age groups. When multiple criteria definition of poverty and social exclusion (AROPE) is applied, we find clear signs of feminization of poverty in Russia. Multidimensional poverty is much higher among females, and this is observed in all age groups. The highest gender poverty gap is observed in senior ages. The age-gender poverty structure changes dramatically when we move from absolute poverty concept to the multidimensional one: we observe higher share of females in poverty, and higher share of senior people in poverty. The key determinants of higher multidimensional poverty of females is their relatively (to males) lower wages, and relatively lower pensions.

This paper presents a methodology for the incorporation of poverty related concepts into the goal programming paradigm. The concepts of poverty line, absolute poverty and relative poverty are discussed in the context of their potential usage in the field of Operations Research. The synergy between goal programming and poverty lines is examined. Two additional meta-goals are proposed for inclusion in a meta-goal programming framework based around absolute and relative poverty respectively. The resulting poverty incorporating meta-goal programming model is compared against other goal programming variants over a test set of school budget allocation models. The results demonstrate how the incorporation of poverty principles allows for greater modelling flexibility in the goal programming framework. This in turn allows decision makers to avoid solutions that are below threshold levels for a subset of stakeholders in either a relative or absolute sense. Appropriate conclusions and suggestions for future research are given.

This paper has a twofold aim. On the one side, without the presumption of being exhaustive, it tries to give a general overview of the different approaches and measures of poverty, and, on the other side, it focusses the attention on the absolute poverty indicators, describing the most important innovations introduced in the Italian methodology by the Scientific Commission established at beginning of 2022. Therefore, after a general introduction, the second paragraph mainly discusses the multiple dimensions of poverty and the approaches to provide a measure of these dimensions (relative and absolute poverty, income and consumption-based measures, the role of wealth, the importance of investigating hard to reach population and the subjective poverty). In paragraph three, an overview of the Italian measures of poverty in the European context is given, by describing the European Union Statistics on Living Conditions (EU-SILC) indicators and those compiled relying on national Household Budget Survey (thereof those about absolute poverty). In the fourth paragraph the attention is addressed to describe the Italian methodology to estimate absolute poverty, focussing on the recent innovations introduced. Paragraph five discusses the use of income instead of consumption in the context of Italian methodology. Finally, some concluding remarks are traced, raising specifically the issue of the nonmonetary components in the estimation of absolute poverty and the related challenges for the future research work in the Italian context.

This research established a link that exists between climate smart agricultural practices and poverty in North-West geopolitical zone of Nigeria. The study was motivated by the increasing consequence of climate change and its impact on poverty status among farmers in the study area. Farming households changing agricultural practices as a result of global observation of climatic and environmental changes. It was based on this that the study examines the impact of climate smart agricultural practices on poverty status among farmers in North West Nigeria. A multi-stage sampling techniques was used to select two hundred and ninety four (294) farming households in the study area who provide the relevant primary data information for the study through a set of pre-tested structured questionnaires. The objective was to decompose poverty status for high-users and low-users of climate smart agricultural techniques in the study area. Foster Greer and Thorberk model, Watt’s index, Sen, Shorrocks and Thon index were used to ascertain the objective. Poverty head count according to the FGT index for the total population is 35.89% for absolute poverty and 9.12% for relative poverty. This means that the average climate smart agriculture farmers had about 36% deprivation of basic human needs such as food, safe drinking water, health, shelter, education and information. On the other hand, for the absolute poverty of 9%. It means the average climate smart agricultural farmers had 9% deprivation to maintain the average standard of living. It connotes that the average climate smart agricultural farmers had 33% deprivation of food and 13% deprivation of average standard of living. Analysis of health poverty reveals that the absolute poverty is 42.38% and relative poverty 27.64%. It implies that the average climate smart agricultural farmers were deprived of health by 42% and by average standard of living by 28%. Further, analysis on education poverty reveals the absolute poverty and relative poverty value of 47.10% and 28.26%. This signifies that about 47% of the climate smart agricultural farmers were deprived of basic education and about 28% of climate smart agriculture farmers were deprived of average standard of living. The study concludes that poverty is evident in the study area. It therefore reccommends that Government, Non-Governmental Organizations and farmer associations should create a conducive knowledge exchang enviroment to encourage the low-users of climate smart agriculture to improve on their performance. Spouses especially should develop interest in climate smart agricultural farming. women empowerment programme can be embarked upoun by government and private individual. Policy on formal education should be enriched and developed in the curriculm to meet the climate smart agricultural challenges.

In rich countries there is relative poverty — some are poor relative to others who are affluent. In poor countries there is absolute poverty — people do not have enough income to meet their basic needs for food, clean water, clothing, shelter, sanitation, health services and education. Millions of people in poor countries are absolutely poor. As a result, they suffer hunger and malnutrition, which cause vulnerability to disease, from which millions, especially children, die. Thus, poverty causes high infant mortality, shorter life expectancy, stunted child development, misery and premature death for millions of people in the world today. ‘Absolute poverty is probably the principal cause of human misery today.’2KeywordsPoor CountryRich CountryPoor FarmerRich StateAbsolute PovertyThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

In this chapter I argue that the pressing issue that wealthy societies face today is not merely economic inequality, but rather prevalent and increasing relative poverty. I will first analyze the concept of poverty with a special focus on relative poverty and not, as is common in contemporary political philosophy, with an exclusive view on absolute poverty. It will be argued that poverty should be seen as problematic from a moral point of view because it undermines self-respect and thereby violates the dignity of persons. Self-respect depends on the ability to look after oneself in important matters and the ability to respect oneself as an equal member of society. For people living in relative poverty both are impossible or at least extremely hard. In a second section, I will argue that the normatively problematic character of relative poverty as a threat to human dignity gives us a strong reason to assign the responsibility for eradicating relative poverty to the appropriate agents. As we will see in this chapter, it is the state that bears primary responsibility for enabling people to escape relative poverty. In a third part, I will argue that it is not irrelevant which measures are used to help people to get out of their poverty. Different measures are humiliating to a different degree and respect for the dignity of relatively poor people demands the choice of the least humiliating measure. In the light of this normative background, I will argue that welfare is better than charity and a reorganization of the economic structure, as far as possible, even better than welfare.

This book examines absolute poverty in Europe, which is at the moment fairly neglected in academic and policy discourse. It opens with conceptual and methodological considerations that prepare the ground for an application of the concept of absolute poverty in the context of affluent societies and analyses shortcomings of social statistics as well as possibilities to include highly vulnerable groups. This includes thoughts on ethics of research in this particular field where people live under severe circumstances and research can make a difference. The book sheds light on crucial dimensions of deprivation and social exclusion of people in absolute poverty in affluent societies: access to health care, housing and nutrition, poverty related shame and violence. After conceptual and practical issues, the book investigates into different policy responses to absolute poverty in affluent societies from social policy concerns to civic organizations, e. g. food donations, and penalisation and “social cleansing” of highly visible poor. The book finally frames this discussion by profound ethical considerations and normative reasoning about absolute poverty and its alleviation, how it is related to concerns of justice/injustice as well as human dignity. Furthermore, it questions the power and importance of human rights and their judicial protection in regard of persons in absolute poverty.

The study aims to analyze the prevalence of absolute and relative care poverty among community-dwelling older adults with functional limitations in the Republic of Korea. Absolute care poverty is defined as the proportion of individuals who do not receive any formal or informal care despite needing assistance. Relative care poverty refers to the proportion of individuals who receive care but perceive the amount of care as insufficient. Data were drawn from the 2017 National Survey of Living Conditions and Welfare Needs of Korean Older Persons (n=2,608), the 2020 survey (n=1,233), and the 2023 survey (n=1,873), conducted by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs. The care poverty rates were analyzed using SPSS 26.0. The results show an increasing trend in absolute care poverty, rising from 28.6% in 2017 to 45.0% in 2020 and 52.8% in 2023. Relative care poverty increased from 14.3% in 2017 to 23.8% in 2020, then slightly decreased to 18.3% in 2023. The findings suggest that expanding the coverage and adequacy of care services is necessary to alleviate care poverty among older adults in Korea.

The issue of poverty and the fight against poverty has been one of the most important agenda items in the world for many years. Although the phenomena of wealth and poverty have existed in every period of history, they have never been separated by such deep disparities as they are today. Increasing income injustice has widened the gap between the rich and the poor and it continues to open further. Also, the concept of poverty has expanded so much in terms of content that it is not enough to express it with one definition. Absolute poverty, relative poverty, and human poverty are some of the terms used to detail the range and context of impoverishment. Besides, poverty is now subject to analysis from sociological, psychological or other perspectives. Considering this state of poverty, it is necessary to review the means of alleviating poverty. It is observed that the effectiveness of traditional tools has diminished in the fight against poverty, such as the World Bank when it first emerged. Therefore, there is a need for new tools to keep up with global developments. In this context, NGOs and development cooperation activities carry out important actions. This study aims to analyze the tendency to move away from traditional tools to new tools in fighting poverty. In this context, both tools will be examined within the framework of examples and theoretical discussions.

Although poverty statistics serve as crucial economic and social indicators, their measurement varies depending on the chosen definition of poverty. This study examines whether poverty estimations in Türkiye significantly differ based on the definition used and explores which concept of poverty is most appropriate. Utilizing the SILC micro datasets from 2014 to 2021, the study estimates two absolute poverty measures, a subjective poverty measure, and a multidimensional poverty measure. The findings reveal that poverty rates are highly sensitive to the definition applied. For instance, while the updated absolute poverty line from TurkStat identifies less than 20% of the population as poor, the subjective poverty line and the absolute poverty line defined by TÜRK-İŞ classify approximately 60% and 70% of the population as poor, respectively. Furthermore, while 43% of the population was considered multidimensionally poor in 2014, this figure declined to 31% in 2021. A significant concentration of poverty is observed in the Southeastern and Eastern regions across all measurement approaches. Finally, the study conducts a comparative analysis of various poverty definitions by examining trends in poverty rates, the overlap of poor households, regional rankings, pairwise correlations, and the demographic profile of individuals living in poverty.

Relative child poverty rose sharply over the period 1979–97/98 and has since fallen by about half a million (4 percentage points). Absolute poverty changed little between 1979 and 1997/98 but has fallen sharply since then. Absolute poverty fell by 1.7 million between 1997/98 and 2001/02, with a half million fall in the last year alone. Changes in work patterns, wages and demographics all contributed to rising relative child poverty between 1979 and 1997/98. Demographics and work changes were responsible for the rise in absolute poverty. Benefit changes offset some of these increases. The absence of work was particularly severe on children in lone parent families. The Blair government’s welfare reforms raised work incentives and resulted in more work among low income families with children. These increases in work had modest effects in reducing child poverty and much of the reduction is attributable to benefit changes — work itself is not enough to pull many families over the poverty line. The Clinton administration introduced a range of welfare to work reforms in the US, increasing aid to those in work but cutting it to those out of work. Child poverty there has fallen but not as sharply. Increased work and demographic change have been the driving forces in poverty reductions. Median incomes, and hence the poverty line have increased rapidly and in conjunction further small increases in wage inequality and demographic shifts have meant that the government is making slower progress in reducing relative poverty than anticipated. While much progress has been made, current and planned policy reforms may not raise the incomes of the poor enough relative to median income to achieve the sort of poverty reductions needed to meet the stated poverty targets.

Since the beginnings of development assistance to Third World countries during the post-World War II period, there have been some philosophical changes in the theory and practice of development aid programmes. Western development aid ( i.e., of the United States and West European countries), can be classified into two main conceptual types. These include economic growth as development objective and economic growth with an increased quality of life as development objective. The first two decades of development assistance 1950–1970 focused on economic growth objectives with increased production. The period, 1970–1980 concentrated on redistributive measures to improve the quality of life of the rural poor, the provision of basic needs, creation of employment opportunities, and the implementation of policy measures to reduce relative inequality and absolute poverty. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the changes in the theory and practice of Western aid programmes in Third World countries from 1945–1979. We will look into the underlying international causes that contributed to these changes. We will also review the evolution of aid to Third World countries for the last thirty years by examing the economic, political and social background for the changes in development assistance from urban to rural development programmes and from an emphasis in increasing production to that of redistribution with growth. These problems are discussed in the hight of their relevance for policy-onented rescoorch in Third World Comtnes.

Poverty has long been a concern in public health with people living in poor circumstances generally suffering higher burdens of disease. Understanding the persistence of poverty, and of its impacts on health, unavoidably intersects with analyses of how inequalities arise in the distribution of income and wealth, and of the material and psychosocial resources these socioeconomic privileges accord. This chapter reviews different definitions of poverty, trends in the distribution of absolute and relative poverty, and strengths and weaknesses of the different concepts. It touches briefly on how poverty (by whatever definition) influences health, citing natural/social selection, cultural/behavioural, and materialist/structural explanations; and discusses how, in some instances, there is reverse causality with poor health worsening individual or household poverty, particularly in low-income countries suffering high disease burdens and weak health systems. The chapter then turns to a review of major theories of justice and how these argue for interventions, and the role that international human rights might play in furthering actions to reduce poverty-related health inequalities. It concludes with a short discussion of different sociopolitical approaches to poverty reduction, providing three examples of intervention policies.

Previous studies mainly focus on absolute poverty in China. However, the rate of relative poverty of Chinese urban residents has reached 23.90% in 2018. This paper investigates the mechanism for reducing urban relative poverty through education. Findings are that the increase of family education years can help urban households get rid of relative poverty through the indirect way of improving social capital. Further study finds that greater influence of Confucian culture and weaker marketization degree will result in stronger mediating role of social capital between education and poverty reduction.