РОЛЬ ПОЛІТИЧНОЇ ОПОЗИЦІЇ У КРАХУ РЕЖИМІВ «РЕАЛЬНОГО СОЦІАЛІЗМУ» В СУЧАСНИХ КРАЇНАХ ВИШЕГРАДСЬКОЇ ГРУПИ (70–80 РОКИ ХХ СТ.)

Since the modus operandi of social movements varies across different social settings, their survival mechanism is not universally the same. All social movements, among other things, do not depend on formal organization. Whether a social movement adopts formal organization also depends on the metaphysics to which it adheres. An egalitarian movement, for instance, could be opposed to formal organization, as it amounts to replicating the structure of the establishment in which flat hierarchy is absent. Such movements, which rely on informal networks and provide greater interpretative leverage to their members, fall under the category of decentered movements. The study is intended to demonstrate the need and relevance of this alternative concept. The movement selected for this purpose is the Rastafari, the language of resistance of Jamaicans of African descent. This political religious protest movement, currently with dense cultural manifestations and despite structural and preceptual versatility that characterizes it has significantly exerted its influence not only in its place of origin, Jamaica, but also in other parts of the world. On the basis of the experience of the Rastafari, this article details the advantages of decenteredness over social movement organization for movements that find less accommodation in their respective societies. Data are derived from primary and secondary sources, including the writings of the movement articulators facilitators of the Rastafari.

Since it was first published more than forty years ago, Sources of Japanese Tradition, Volume 2, has been considered the authoritative sourcebook for readers and scholars interested in Japan from the eighteenth century to the post-World War II period. Now greatly expanded to include the entire twentieth century, and beginning in 1600, Sources of Japanese Tradition presents writings by modern Japan's most important philosophers, religious figures, writers and political leaders. The volume also offers extensive introductory essays and commentary to assist in understanding the documents' historical settings and significance. Wonderfully varied in its selections, this eagerly anticipated expanded edition has revised many of the texts from the original edition and added a great many not included or translated before. New additions include documents on the postwar era, the importance of education in the process of modernization, and women's issues. Beginning with documents from the founding of the Tokugawa shogunate, the collection's essays, manifestos, religious tracts, political documents, and memoirs reflect major Japanese religious, philosophical, social and political movements. Subjects covered include the spread of neo-Confucian and Buddhist teachings, Japanese poetry and aesthetics, and the Meiji Restoration. Other documents reflect the major political trends and events of the period: the abolition of feudalism, agrarian reform, the emergence of poltical parties and liberalism, and the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese Wars. The collection also includes Western and Japanese impressions of each other through Western religious missions and commercial and cultural exchanges. These selections underscore Japanese and Western apprehension of and fascination with each other. As Japan entered the twentieth century, new political and social movements -- Marxism, anarchism, socialism, nationalism, and feminism -- entered the national consciousness. Later readings in the collection look at the buildup to war with the United States, military defeat and American occupation. Documents from the postwar period echo Japan's struggle with its own history and its development as a capitalist democracy.

Towards cyberactivism 2.0? Understanding the use of social media and other information technologies for political activism and social movements

Bu çalışma, 60’lı yılların sonlarından itibaren yeni bir paradigma çerçevesinde değerlendirilmeye başlanan toplumsal hareketlerin siyasal bir harekete dönüşümünü örnek olaylar üzerinden incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Toplumsal hareketler literatüründeki genel kabullerden biri; eski ve yeni toplumsal hareketlerin siyasetle ilişkili olma bakımından birbirinden farklılık sergilediğidir. Eski toplumsal hareketlerin, siyasi bir partinin çatısı altında örgütlendiği, yeni toplumsal hareketlerin partiler üstü bir yapı sergilediği kabul edilir. Bu çalışma, yeni toplumsal hareketlerin siyasi motivasyonlarla bir araya gelmemesine rağmen siyasi bir harekete dönüşme potansiyeli olduğunu öne sürmektedir. Bu doğrultuda İspanya’da ortaya çıkan Indignados Hareketi ve Lübnan’da ortaya çıkan Beyrut Medineti Hareketi örnek olay olarak ele alınmıştır. Farklı coğrafyalarda ortaya çıkan ve yeni toplumsal hareketlerin siyasi bir harekete dönüşmesine örnek olan bu hareketlerin incelenmesi neticesinde; yeni toplumsal hareketlerin, ortaya çıkış motivasyonu yahut coğrafya fark etmeksizin siyasi bir harekete dönüşebileceği görülmüştür. Çalışma neticesinde elde edilen sonuçlardan bir diğeri de yeni toplumsal hareket neticesinde ortaya çıkmış olan siyasi hareketin başarı elde etmesinin bulunulan ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısına bağlı olmadığı olmuştur.

The political protest movements of the transformation period in Hungary have been institutionalised as political parties or in other organisational forms. They have become organised and formalised actors in the new democracy, while new social movements emerged with new forms of protest activities oriented to address new socio-political conflicts. Approaches to institutionalisation processes of social movements, “movementism,” specific political cultures, and forms of action and organisation of socio-political movements were pushed back during the transformation into political organisations. The “estab-lished” civil society of former Communist countries strives for resources and experiences of Western democracies. However, Western support is also based on a scarcity of resources, a fact nor realised at the time of Communist constraints, when receiving Western aid was a risky activity undertaken only by few groups and individuals. A competitive market for low-risk support by Western agencies is being established. Civil society activists have to prove accountability, organisational skills, and social and media impact to be supported by Western donors. Intellectual capital and organisational infrastructure must be provided with managerial skills required by Western agencies as distributors of goods and organisers of programmes. A shift from informal social movements to differentiated types of NGOs takes place, as targets of Western aid and a compe-titive market of Eastern NGOs will be established for the external help.

This article explores the relationship between social and political movements and art, tracing the ways in which art has been used to participate in the struggles of the day. The article examines the role of art in ancient civilizations, where art was used to express religious and cultural beliefs. It then examines the impact of Renaissance, Protestant Reformation, French Revolution, and the Romantic Movement on art, highlighting how artists used their work to comment on the political and social issues of their time. Moving into the 20th century, the article explores the rise of modernism and its relationship with social and political movements. The article also examines how contemporary social and political movements such as Black Lives Matter are shaping art today, with artists using their work to explore issues of gender inequality, sexual harassment, police brutality, and environmental sustainability. Data was sourced from books, journal articles as well as online sources. Data was qualitatively analyzed using art historian method to descriptively present the data. The article concluded by providing a comprehensive overview of the relationship between social and political movements and art and emphasizing the enduring power of art to shape and reflect the world in which we live.

One of the unusual features of the recent emergence of moderate Sunni Islamist political parties onto the formal political scene in the Arab world as a result of the Arab Awakening is that they nearly always emerge as elements in political dualities. Thus the party – a political movement – is wedded to a social movement and, sometimes, to a trade union as well. In addition, the social movement usually predates its parallel political movement. Furthermore, this structural duality seems to be confined to the Sunni world and often seems to be associated with the Muslim Brotherhood. The question then is precisely why this dual structure has been generalized within the political arena now colonized by moderate Sunni political Islam; is it a consequence of formal legal constraints upon such movements or does it respond to their internal dynamics? A further question raises the issue of why these dualities are not replicated within the Shi’a context or amongst secular political movements. And, finally, have they been paralleled amongst political movements arising from different religious traditions and what are the likely outcomes?

Political opportunity structures, protest, and social movements

From 1992 to 1996 there were considerable changes in the development of public, non-governmental activity in Russia. Economic reform, changes in the Russian government's foreign policy and the opening up of borders together provided more favourable conditions which facilitated this.

This paper deals with the role of the most marginalized communities in social and political grassroots activism inside Israel, by focussing on the demanding issue that affects the combination of asymmetric relationships, internal discriminations and increasing inequalities within political protests. In detail, I analyse the involvement of social and political activists struggling to improve the rights of and in solidarity with Mizrahi Jews who have experienced different kinds of discrimination in Israeli society, but also in a few Israeli peace-oriented and leftist contexts. Such heterogeneity of Israeli Jewish political and social grassroots organisations and the crucial role of Mizrahi Jewish activists can be considered as a challenging field of study needing to be analysed and related to the main subject matters concerning the Israeli current status quo.

Feminism is a cultural as well as a political movement. It changes the way women think and feel and affects how women and men live their lives and interpret the world. For this reason it has provoked lively debate and fierce antagonisms that have continued to the present day. Contemporary feminism and its concerns are rooted in a history stretching over at least two centuries. Feminism explores this history in a range of countries spanning the world. It asks does ‘feminism’ exist? Or are the differences among feminist today so great that we should speak of ‘feminisms’? The book looks at the challenge made by feminists to prevailing ideas about a ‘woman’s place’, the complex relationship between equality and difference, women’s solidarity and the relationship between feminism and other social and political reform movements.

This guide accompanies the following article : The Animal Rights Movement in Theory and Practice: A Review of the Sociological Literature, Compass 6/2 (2012): pp. 166–181, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2011.00440.x Author’s introduction The animal rights movement has been described as one of the most neglected and misunderstood social movements of our era. However, social movement scholars are beginning to realise the political and moral significance of the world wide animal protection movement at a time when nature itself has been included in the specialist field of environmental sociology. Just as people are beginning to see that nature matters and is not separate from society, nonhuman animals (hereafter animals) too are increasingly perceived as worthy of our respect and consideration. The long‐running animal protection movement which began in England in the 18th century is today better known as the animal rights movement. It is the men and women of this movement who, atypically for a social movement, are campaigning for a species that is not their own. The movement’s theories and practices are important for what they do for animals and also because of what the animal rights controversy reveals about human beings. Author recommends Garner, Robert. 1998. Political Animals: Animal Protection Policies in Britain and the United States. London: Macmillan Press Ltd. The book describes the progress made by the animal protection movement in the two countries where animal rights protests have been most prominent. The author presents a comprehensive examination of animal welfare policies in Britain and the US thus providing an informative comparative study of the movement’s relationship with the state in these two countries. Garner’s focus on policy networks corresponds to the sociologist’s concept of social movement organizations. More than fifty such organizations balanced evenly between animal protectionists and animal‐user industries are discussed in the book. Political Animals provides an excellent introduction to the politics of animal rights, although missing in the accounts are the voices of the animal activists and their opponents. In the final analysis, it is the meaning activists attribute to their cause that drives the movement, a fact which Garner tacitly acknowledges. Imhoff, Daniel (ed) 2010. The CAFO Reader: The Tragedy of Industrial Animal Factories. Published by the Foundation for Deep Ecology with Watershed Media, Berkeley, LA: University of California Press. The Reader’s subject – concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFO) – covers most of the topics relevant to factory farmed animals and is divided into seven parts: (1) The pathological mindset of the CAFO; (2) Myths of the CAFO; (3) Inside the CAFO; (4) The loss of diversity; (5) Hidden costs of CAFO; (6) Technological takeover; (7) Putting the CAFO out to pasture. The acronym CAFO suggests a bland, mundane practice and is therefore a name which the editor believes should be replaced by the more accurate label “animal concentration camps”. The chapter titles indicate what is in store for the reader but the content is perhaps less confronting than the book’s companion photo‐format volume of the same name. The reader is a very comprehensive survey of how living creatures are subjected to inhumane practices for their body parts by “corporate food purveyors” and is essential reading for anyone who cares about the future survival of all of the earth’s species. Kean, Hilda. 1998. Animal Rights: Political and Social Change in Britain since 1800. London: Reaktion Books Ltd. In this attractive book, the historian Hilda Kean provides one of the most comprehensive and interesting surveys of the early animal protection movement in England, the birthplace of animal rights. Kean tells a compelling story of how and why people’s attitudes and practices involving animals changed over the past two centuries. She attributes these changes largely to the seemingly simple idea of “sight”, or how people were influenced by seeing for themselves how animals such as horses and dogs were ill treated in public spaces such as in streets and markets. Animals “out of sight” in vivisection laboratories and in abattoirs also came to the attention of the early animal protectionists, most of whom were women. The sight and spectacle of animal abuse turned hearts and stomachs once a light was shone on these everyday cruelties by the pioneers of animal rights in England. Kean’s book is nicely illustrated in keeping with the theme of seeing animals in their various relationships with humans. Munro, Lyle. 2005. Confronting Cruelty: Moral Orthodoxy and the Challenge of the Animal Rights Movement. Leiden & Boston: Brill. For most people animal cruelty is understood as unspeakable acts perpetrated by warped individuals mostly against dogs, cats, birds and sometimes horses. The animal rights movement seeks to broaden the issue of animal cruelty to include the vast numbers of animals that suffer and die in “the animal industrial complex” of intensive farming, recreational hunting and animal research and experimentation. The book draws on social movement theory to explain how and why an increasing number of people in the UK, US and Australia have taken up the cause of animals in campaigning against the exploitative practices of the animal‐user industries. Essentially, the thesis is that animal abuse is constructed by the animal rights movement as a social problem (speciesism) on a par with sexism and racism. This is the first book in the Human and Animal Studies Series which currently lists about a dozen monographs published by Brill under the editorship of Kenneth Shapiro of the Society & Animals Institute in the US. Noske, Barbara. 1989. Humans and Other Animals: Beyond the Boundaries of Anthropology. London: Pluto Press. As an anthropologist, Noske brings a different perspective to our relationship with nature, especially in the long process of animal domestication. Her chapter on “the animal industrial complex” shows how both human and nonhuman animals suffer within this structure of domination; for example, slaughterhouse work takes a heavy toll on the meat workers while the animals experience atrocious pain and misery on the assembly line of mass execution. Noske’s book is valuable for its broad treatment of animal‐human relations in which she describes cultural, historical, structural and sociological aspects of these relations particularly in America and Australia. Wilkie, Rhoda and Inglis David (eds.) 2007. The Social Scientific Study of Nonhuman Animals: A Five‐volume Collection – Animals and Society: Critical Concepts in the Social Sciences. (Vols 1–5), London: Routledge. This is a collection of 90 previously published articles and book chapters in approximately 2,000 pages on the social‐scientific study of animals. The papers range from the earliest in 1928 on “the culture of canines” to the latest in 2006 on “religion and animals.” Three quarters of the papers were published in the last two decades and are derived from anthropology, sociology, psychology, geography, philosophy and feminist studies. Because Animals and Society is based mostly on work derived from more than 12 different specialist journals, it has a claim to comprehensiveness; however, the editors mention topics that are not covered in the collection:

In this article we develop the notion of the technology-media-movements complex (TMMC) as a field-definition statement for ongoing inquiry into the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in social and political movements. We consider the definitions and boundaries of the TMMC, arguing particularly for a historically rooted conception of technological development that allows better integration of the different intellectual traditions that are currently focused on the same set of empirical phenomena. We then delineate two recurrent debates in the literature highlighting their contributions to emerging knowledge. The first debate concerns the divide between scholars who privilege media technologies, and see them as driving forces of movement dynamics, and those who privilege media practices over affordances. The second debate broadly opposes theorists who believe in the emancipatory potential of ICTs and those who highlight the ways they are used to repress social movements and grassroots mobilization. By mapping positions in these debates to the TMMC we identify and provide direction to three broad research areas which demand further consideration: (i) questions of power and agency in social movements; (ii) the relationships between, on the one hand, social movements and technology and media as politics (i.e. cyberpolitics and technopolitics), and on the other, the quotidian and ubiquitous use of digital tools in a digital age; and (iii) the significance of digital divides that cut across and beyond social movements, particularly in the way such divisions may overlay existing power relations in movements. In conclusion, we delineate six challenges for profitable further research on the TMMC.

<p><em>The rapid development of Internet and communication technologies raises the question of what role these media and communication interfaces play in social and political movements and development in individual countries. Although activities in cyberspace, including blogging, participation in social networks and other facilities provided by the Internet for its users are a new phenomenon, they have profound effects on social and political relations in the communities involved. In the information era, Internet is an important part of social movements in democratic societies and local communities. When the government blocks other ways to mobilization, Internet may bring like-minded people together and help them to find support for action. Internet has provided a new space for social movements and the effect of the virtual activities of the users on the actions and, often on the lack of social movements is of high importance.</em></p><p><em>Meanwhile, the Iranian women’s movement, like other social movements in contemporary Iran, realizes the impact and position of cyberspace and has made use of it. Many activists, for whom other ways for expressing their demands have been blocked, have entered this space and taken advantage of it for expressing their opinions and communicating information to other people. In fact, the dominant socio-political forces and the atmosphere of repression, and fear have led many Iranian women to use the virtual space to campaign for women’s empowerment and equal rights. They have realized that the Internet may inform the outside world of the movement’s goals and activities and facilitate maintaining contact with other members of the movement. In fact, the open space that provides a platform for sharing information and has given the chance to the Iranian women’s rights activists to perform their activities in a space with a decentralized structure where there is less pressure than there is in the real world. Campaigns formed following the cyberspace market boom indicate that cyberspace has indeed ushered in a new era in the history of the Iranian women’s movement. </em></p><em>The present study, covers the period from 2005 to 2017, provides an analysis of the role of the Internet in the activities of the women’s movement and explores the extent to which cyberspace has been assisting the women’s movement in achieving its objectives. By interviewing 50 active women inside Iran, the article investigates whether there has been successful interaction between cyberspace and the Iranian women’s social movement resulting from a dynamic adaptation between functions of social and political groups in the real world and the virtual world. It also examines how factors such as social participation, increasing awareness, changing beliefs, traditional views of women and social mobility have been affected by the application of the Internet, and whether cyberspace has been able to make women’s voices heard in Iran’s patriarchal society.</em>

Contemporary Russia appears to have a diverse and pluralistic social and political movement society. According to the Russian State Statistical Committee, there are 119 247 public associations registered with the Ministry of Justice as of January 1, 2010, with 5303 of them registered in 2009. Most of these associations are represented by 54 113 public organizations and 43 542 trade unions. The data also show a continuous growth of social movements, the number of which was 1808, with 117 emerging in 2009. In addition, the state statistics point out the existence of 746 national‐cultural associations, of which 96 came into existence in 2009. These ethnicity‐based groups reflect the complex multi‐ethnic composition of the Russian Federation. And finally, 253 branches of international NGOs operate in Russia, including human rights watch groups ( Russia in Figures 2010 ). These data indicate that Russian people actively exercise their constitutional rights on assembly, association, and peaceful joint actions. The Russian Constitution (particularly articles 29, 30, 31) and various federal laws (the Federal Law on Public Associations, the Federal Law on Countering Extremist Activities, the Federal Law on Political Parties, and the Federal Law on Assemblies, Meetings, Demonstrations, Processing, and Picketing) grant those rights and provide a legal framework for collective actions. The Federal Law on Public Associations defines social movements in terms of mass public associations that pursue jointly social, political, and other socially useful purposes, supported by the participants of the movements. According to the Law on Public Associations, social movements must have: (a) a governing body in the form of congress, conference, or general meeting; and (b) a permanent governing elected body which, in the case of state registration, shall exercise the rights of a legal entity on behalf of the social movement. The public organization represents the membership‐based voluntary association, established on the basis of joint action to protect the common interests and achieve the statutory goals of the associated people. The law requires a formal registration of the social movement with the Ministry of Justice in order for it to pursue its activities legally. The authorities may ban social movements for extremist activities and for fueling ethnic and racial hostilities. Also, the law requires the permission of local authorities to be gained in order to engage in collective action in public places.