ВПЛИВ ПОЛІТИЧНОЇ СИСТЕМИ ТА ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ПОЛІТИЧНИХ ПАРТІЙ НА РОЗВИТОК ДЕМОКРАТІЇ: ПОЛІТИКО-УПРАВЛІНСЬКИЙ АСПЕКТ

The Constitution of Ukraine and the Law «On Political Parties in Ukraine» not only define and guarantee the rights of Ukrainian citizens to freedom of association in political parties, but also provide for a comprehensive system of restrictions on the formation and activity of political parties by state authorities, which is fully in line with international the practice of legal regulation of political parties’ status. The purpose and task of the article is to study the problems of banning political parties as a measure of constitutional and legal responsibility under martial law. Art. 5 of the Law «On Political Parties in Ukraine» establishes restrictions on the formation and activity of political parties, which are normative grounds for the constitutional and legal responsibility of political parties. The beginning of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation in Ukraine and the introduction of martial law led to radical changes in the regulation and functioning of the institution of political parties. Thus, on March 18, 2022, the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine adopted a Decision on the suspension of the activities of certain political parties, which was put into effect by the Presidential Decree and for the period of martial law, it was decided to suspend any activities of 11 political parties in Ukraine. It should be noted that in the period from March to May 2022, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine changed the grounds for banning political parties four times. Expanding the grounds for applying such a constitutional and legal sanction as banning political parties through the adoption of amendments to the relevant legislation and changing the jurisdiction of such cases were positive steps, which made it possible to quickly respond to the challenges of martial law to prevent the illegal activities of political parties that encroach on the foundations of the constitutional order, territorial integrity and security of the state, promote pro-Russian ideas and justify Russian aggression. The judicial practice of banning political parties in Ukraine is studied. During 2022–2023, decisions were made to ban 18 political parties. It is positive that in the cases of banning political parties, the Administrative Court of Appeal repeatedly referred to the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the concept of militant democracy. In the conditions of a full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation into the territory of Ukraine, in accordance with the concept of a «democracy capable of defending itself», the activities of political parties that encroach on the territorial integrity, security and constitutional order of Ukraine, support the aggressor state should be prohibited by court order. The decision to apply such a constitutional and legal sanction as the banning of a political party must be properly substantiated, based on a proper evidence base, not taken hastily, meet international standards, in order to make it impossible to challenge Ukraine’s actions to the European Court of Human Rights. The constitutional and legal regulation of the grounds for banning political parties and the mechanism for its implementation also needs improvement. Key words: prohibition of a political party, constitutional and legal responsibility, constitutional delict, constitutional and legal sanction, political party, constitutional order, martial law.

The subject of this article is the activity of the political party "Ittifaq-el-Muslimin" - a Muslim liberal party, the majority of whose members consisted of representatives of the Tatar population of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century. Tatar liberalism, in whose ideology the question of religion occupied one of their main places, was formed in 1905 - 1906. Its formation is connected with the holding of illegal All-Russian Muslim congresses. Sadri Maksudi, Yusuf Akchura, Gayah Ishaki and M. Bigi were at the origins of this congress. The Ittifaq-el-Muslimin party was formed at the III illegal All-Russian Muslim Congress on the basis of the previously formed All-Russian Muslim Union. This article is devoted to the activities of the Muslim Liberal Party and the consideration of the role of state-confessional relation. The main contribution of the author to the study lies in the revealing of the history and the role of the religio in the ideology and activities of national-religious liberal political parties in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century on the example of the Ittifaq-el-Muslimin party. In addition, the activity of the party is considered in the context of the all-Russian party system of 1905 - 1917. As a result of the research, the author came to the following conclusions. Despite the official legal consolidation of the concept of freedom of conscience, the Orthodox Church continued to maintain its dominant position. At the same time, representatives of other faiths (in particular, Old Believers and Muslims) were granted the right to freely preach their own religious beliefs, create public associations, freely carry out educational activities, and take part in the political life of Russia. The transformation of state-confessional relations is considered on the example of the formation of the Muslim liberal Party and its activities in the system of political relations of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century.

The author analyzes the dynamics of changes in the activity and participation of political parties in the implementation of electoral strategies and technologies by the example of local elections in 2020. In particular, a wide range of techniques implemented by regional organizations of political parties during the campaign was studied. It is found out that in the conditions of decentralization reform and the new Electoral Code of Ukraine lower party organizations were not only involved into the electoral process, but were also empowered to form representative local authorities and develop their political policies. It is stated that mandatory membership of party, open lists in local council elections and gender quotas in those lists became normative innovations for political parties. At the same time, it was found out that the party factor proved to be relevant also for the candidates for mayors, 80% of which were nominated by parties in regional centers. Having analyzed open data of the Central Election Commission the author ascertains that one fifth of the top candidates for mayors of regional centers were representatives of local political projects – parties, which activities are focused on specific regions or even communities. It is found out that because of reputational risks related to low rating of both the political forces as well as the institution of political parties in general there is a tendency to keep a distance from parliamentary parties. Political technologies used by parties in local elections are carried over from one campaign to another – bribery of voters, voting tourism, involvement of “clone” candidates, speculating on polls, ignoring sociological tools, manipulating party branding et cetera. Among other peculiarities there are the deepening of interparty competition, the struggle of the “first non-passing” and the “last passing” candidates in party lists, which indicates the deformation of communication component in the activities of political parties and the lack of stable party structure with defined roles and functions. Resolving these problems is a priority in the strategy of party organization and administration in the state.

The article is devoted to certain legal aspects of the regulation of the ban on the activity of political parties in Ukraine, and considers the theoretical and practical problems of its application. The Constitution of Ukraine provides 11 separate grounds for banning political parties, the list of which is exhaustive.The Law of Ukraine “On Political Parties in Ukraine” provides additional grounds for banning political parties that are not established by the Constitution. In 2022, the list of reasons for the termination of the activities of political parties was expanded, the specified changes were introduced by the Law of Ukraine “On the prohibition of propaganda of the Russian Nazi totalitarian regime, armed aggression of the Russian Federation as a terrorist state against Ukraine, symbols of the military invasion of the Russian Nazi totalitarian regime in Ukraine” No. 2265-IX dated 05/22/2022 [3] and the Law of Ukraine “On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine Regarding the Prohibition of Political Parties” No. 2243-IX dated 05/03/2022 The practice of banning political parties is not widespread in European countries and has its own characteristics.On the basis of the analysis of the legislation of Ukraine, including taking into account the changes introduced during the martial law, the legislation of certain foreign countries, taking into account the relevant European standards regarding the prohibition of political parties, the shortcomings of the current legislation were determined and relevant conclusions were drawn regarding possible ways of its improvement, in particular , the following issues should find normative regulation: each individual case of banning the activity of a political party must correspond not only to official legal grounds, but must also encompass historical prerequisites, political traditions, and constitutional doctrine; improvement of the mechanism of state control over the activities of political parties, which will include the rules of representativeness of political parties and criteria for the legality of identification of a member of a political party with the corresponding political party in connection with the illegal actions of some of its members; the possibility of extrajudicial forced suspension of the activities of political parties during the war; consolidating the institution of suspending the activities of parties in martial law conditions, placing on the competent body of state power the obligation to raise the issue of the banning of a political party before the court in the future. At the same time, consideration of the military and political situation and compliance with the guarantees of a fair trial should be noted as a necessary condition for consideration of the specified cases; expansion of the list of entities that will have the right to initiate the procedure of banning the activity of a political party.

The genesis of the legal regulation of the ban on the activities of political parties during the period of the legal regime of martial law in Ukraine and the practice of the Central Election Commission, regarding the application of certain legal consequences of such a ban, have been studied. Іn the process of writing the article general and special scientific research methods were used, including dialectical, formal-logical, historical analysis, comparative law as well as complex approach. It was established that in the conditions of large-scale armed aggression of the russian federation against Ukraine, the domestic legislation on political parties underwent changes that determined the procedure for banning the activities of political parties in case of detection of the facts of actions by a political party aimed at liquidating the independence of Ukraine, changing the constitutional order by violent means, violating the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state, and undermining its security. Attention is focused on the imperfections of the current election legislation, which does not provide for a clear algorithm of actions of the authorized subject in this legal relationship. The practice of the Central Election Commission on the issues of replacement and termination of powers was analyzed. The conclusion that the legal positions of the Central Election Commission on relevant issues are based on a systematic and logical analysis of the provisions of the current legislation is made. It is proposed to use these positions while preparing amendments to relevant legislation. Proposals for amendments and additions to the Election Code of Ukraine and the Law of Ukraine "On Elections of People's Deputies of Ukraine" have been formulated to determine the specific consequences of banning the activities of political parties.

Different involvement motivations drive people into political actions. This study aimed to understand what, how, and why party members were motivated into political party activism. The focus was on the involvement motivations of the members of the new political party named National Unity Platform (NUP) and the incumbent ruling National Resistance (NRM) party. The study used a qualitative literature research strategy where qualitative secondary and primary data were collected. The secondary data involved a review of several relevant peer-reviewed journal articles, chapters in books, newspaper reports, and other documents reflecting the concept of party activism. We collected field data from twenty-four respondents using in-depth interviews. The field notes were transcribed and thematically analyzed using content analysis methods. The purposive sampling technique was used to select eighteen respondents and six respondents were identified and selected using the snowball sampling technique. The study found that party activism emerged out of various incentives, such as political events, slogans, ideology, political rivalry, and family exposure was important in the construction of civic competence. These findings suggest that political parties should involve and expose their members to different political experiences. Based on the analysis of these findings, the study concluded that many factors serve as incentives for political party activism.

This article examines the policies of the British colonial administration in Malaya towards the formation and development of political parties between 1945 and 1957. The period 1945-1957 witnessed the emergence of political parties of various ideological dispositions and was an important formative period in the development of modern party system in Malaysia. While there are numerous studies of political parties in Malaysia, no serious study has been undertaken to examine the policies and legislation governing the formation and activities of political parties in the post-war period. This article examines the policies of the colonial administration during this period to regulate the establishment and functioning of political parties. In a broader sense, this study examines the extent to which the British colonial administration attempted to influence party politics and political activities in the period leading up to Malayan independence in 1957.

The authors explore the regulatory framework on the restriction of the activities of political parties in the Republic of Latvia, outlining a comparison with other European countries in this context. The article analytically reflects the progress of the collective submission handed in to the Parliament of the Republic of Latvia (Saeima) in 2022, which called for a ban of one particular political party. In conjunction with this, the authors analyse the findings of the European Court of Human Rights on issues related to the prohibition of political parties, seeking a balance between freedom of association as a fundamental right, on the one hand, and the protection of state and public security, as well as democratic values, on the other.

Given that political parties participate in the formation, structuring and activity of the parliament, their presence has had a dual impact on the National Assembly of Serbia in the past three decades. On the one hand, their influence has been reflected on the internal structure and efficiency of parliamentary work. On the other hand, the party system combined with the electoral model has left its mark on the mode of political representation. The paper focuses on the impact the political parties have had on the National Assembly in the Republic of Serbia, particularly their influence on the internal organization of the Assembly and the effectiveness in the parliamentary process. The main goal is to explore the normative framework and parliamentary practice in order to analyze the actual prospects of the National Assembly to meet the basic postulates for exercising effective national representation. The main question is whether the Assembly, relying on its constitutional autonomy, is able to achieve the goals of the "working parliament" and the political representation of all citizens. The problem develops around the extent to which the people's representation is capable of exercising its constitutional functions if it does not support and protect the differentiated political will of the people. The aim is to point out to the possibilities provided by the normative framework and the need for successful parliamentary practice in exercising parliamentary autonomy. Parliamentary autonomy is necessary not only for good internal organization of parliament and effectiveness in the parliamentary process but also in terms of strengthening the National Assembly's external impact and position towards the holders of the executive power. The subject matter of analysis are the activities of political parties in parliament, observed through the work of parliamentary groups and parliamentary committees, as well as a lack of the parliamentary opposition guarantees.

This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the profound changes taking place in the activities of contemporary political parties, with particular attention to the impact of globalization on party organization, strategy, and functional roles. The author argues that under conditions of globalization, political parties are now compelled to adapt not only to competition within the national political arena, but also to external factors such as transnational information flows, international economic integration, global security challenges, and migration processes. In addition, the article identifies key modern trends, including parties’ growing ideological flexibility, the segmentation of electoral demands, the expanded use of digital communication tools, and new approaches aimed at ensuring greater transparency and responsiveness in political processes. The author emphasizes the need for parties to reconsider their organizational structures, develop innovative campaign strategies, and adjust to the rapidly changing conditions generated by globalization. As a result, the article offers important scholarly conclusions that reveal the complexity and multidimensional nature of contemporary transformations in political party activity.

This article explores the multidimensionality of the motivations that underlie partisan political activity, and the relationship between political motives and political ideology among activists. Using data from questionnaires submitted by over 3,300 California party activists over a 25-year period, it shows not only how motivational analysis may illuminate the basis of intraparty ideological conflict but also how that conflict is mitigated. More specifically, it indicates that while ideological differences between ambition-motivated and issue-motivated activists may be acute, focusing exclusively on those differences may distract us from the organizationally salutary fact that activists' motivations are more variegated and complex than that.

The purpose of this paper is to introduce the political parties and party system in Korea and provide a basic analysis for comparative study among the Asian countries. First, I would explain the distinguishing characteristics of the political parties and party system in Korea. I will then show how this system evolved by using the concept of the cartel party and cartelized party system. Finally, the kind of measures that have been introduced to improve democracy and party politics will be discussed. Whether these efforts are working or not will be addressed from the perspectives of the two different party models.The nature of the political system in Korea can be gleaned by examining three main aspects of the cartelized party system, namely, national subsidies, electoral system, and entry barriers against new or minor parties. After an examination of some of the institutions of the cartelized party system in Korea, the Korean party system may be deemed, by and large, to be moving towards a plural competitive system, one that is more accommodating of new or minor parties.

Political party systems are an important element of political systems in Africa and elsewhere. They form the central intermediate institution between the general population and the government. Party systems represent and aggregate diverse political views and group interests, and they form coalitions that then form governments with potentially important consequences of democracy and political stability. Unlike the case in the period directly after independence, African party systems have been overwhelmingly multiparty since the 1990s. As a result, the literature has grown significantly, although most works focus on political parties rather than party systems. Many efforts have been devoted to classification, referring to the legal context as well as, more specifically, the number of relevant parties, the levels of institutionalization, and, less often, the degree of ideological or other polarization. While levels of institutionalization and ideological differences are generally not pronounced, more than half of African party systems have been one-party dominant, of which most are authoritarian. In contrast, two-party and pluralist-party systems, which make up approximately one half of all multiparty systems, are generally more democratic. Besides determining classifications, most analytical work focuses on the determinants of African party systems using quantitative and qualitative as well as macro- and micro-level methodologies. Three determinants are debated: first, ethnicity, which has been cited as the main social cleavage behind African party systems; however, while ethnicity matters, its effects vary and are limited; second, political institutions, especially electoral systems for legislative elections, which only partly explain fragmentation or other features; third, the performance of political parties and rationalist approaches. Scholars largely agree that all of these elements need to be taken into account. While certain functions of party systems may facilitate democratization and political stability or other outcomes, little empirical work exists on the consequences of party systems. Some evidence suggests that highly institutionalized, moderately fragmented, and polarized systems promote democracy. Future research faces many challenges, in particular the development of integrated theory and more fine-grained data, as well as an increased focus on the consequences of party systems.

This is the third of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and presents an overall review. In the first section, Approaches to the Classification of Party Systems: A Review it looks at the principal existing approaches to the classification of party systems, pointing to both their limits and possibilities when applied within comparative analysis. It then goes on in the second section, Party Systems and the Competition for Government, to underline the importance of understanding the structure of competition in any given party system, since in many ways the whole notion of a party system is centred on the assumption that there exists a stable structure of competition. Structures of competition can be seen to be either closed (and predictable) or open (and unpredictable), depending on the patterns of alternation in government, the degree of innovation or persistence in processes of government formation, and the range of parties gaining access to government. The emphasis in the third section, Party Systems and Electoral Outcomes, is on the need to distinguish between processes of electoral change on the one hand, and changes in party systems and the structures of competition on the other, a distinction which also allows the possibility of situations in which electoral change is the consequence rather than the cause of party system change.

Background: This article describes the theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of regional policy. Methods: The relevance of the research topic is due to the growing influence of regional political processes on the socioeconomic and socio-cultural development of both the regions and the country as a whole. Findings: The importance of defining the role of regions in the sustainable development of the country is pointed out by the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan N.A. Nazarbayev. In the research, the political analysis of the regional policy formation in the Northern regions of Kazakhstan is carried out in the context of the republican model of regionalization, the main stages, trends and peculiarities of its implementation are identified. This study examines the infrastructure of the political process in the region and its dynamic aspects. A special attention is given to the study of electoral politics and activity of political parties in the regional political process. Improvements/Applications: The article investigates the political mechanism for the implementation of the regional policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan; practical recommendations for its improvement are proposed.