Громадянське суспільство та його правові цінності в умовах демократичної трансформації: досвід України

Introduction. The formation, functioning and development of a civilized civil society with the well-established institutions of democracy is impossible without compliance with the acting values of law, reliance on the law legitimacy regime and legal order consistency. It is worth to emphasise that the interaction between the civil society and the law-governed state, launching the integration of the legal values into the fundamental social relations and the legal order potential, can be carried out only based on the mature democracy. This determines a favourable legal environment enabling a person and a citizen to gain rights and freedoms of his priority. The involvement of the legal instruments is vitally important in such spheres of political and social reality where the rights, freedoms and legal obligations of the society members are fulfilled. The aim of the study is to identify the influence of the legal values on the legal order in the context of the democratic regime and civil society development.Materials and Methods. The article analyses the values of law in the context of the public life democratisation. In the research the general scientific as well as specific scientific methods were used, such as: dialectical, system analysis, axiological, legalistic, comparative law and others.Results. The role of the democratic Constitution of the country as a major component of the legal value system is substantiated. The features of the legal value system and the legal order potential, intermediating the state of equality, freedom, legal activity in the leading spheres of political, social, and legal reality, were analysed. It is concluded that the full-fledged functioning of the civil society and the decent living of its members are mainly determined by the legal value system and consistent legal order. The legal values efficiency is distinctly manifested only through the successful functioning of the civil society institutions and authorities, through fulfilment of the human rights and freedoms.Discussion and Conclusion. Many vital problems of the civil society cannot be solved separately from the law. The problems of the legal regulation and attempts of the state to take control over the purely public spheres of the society members’ lives are revealed. It is proposed to focus on the need to clearly define the boundaries of the social and legal order, to use rationally the regulatory potential of both the norms of law and the social conduct norms.

The article explores the realization of law as a fundamental mechanism for manifesting the value-based nature of the state. It argues that the law, beyond its formal regulatory function, acts as a societal instrument for affirming and institutionalizing core values such as freedom, justice, human dignity, equality, and solidarity. The realization of law, therefore, is viewed not merely as the technical enforcement of norms, but as a dynamic process that transforms abstract legal provisions into lived social practices grounded in democratic ideals. The study pays particular attention to the interdependence between the realization of law and the development of legal consciousness among citizens. It is noted that the extent to which law becomes a real force in social life largely depends on the level of legal culture, civic engagement, and trust in state institutions. In this context, the role of the state is viewed as pivotal. It is the state that must ensure the effective functioning of mechanisms that guarantee the enforcement of legal norms and the protection of human rights. These mechanisms include law-making that reflects social values, efficient legal enforcement, accessible and independent judicial protection, the operation of constitutional justice, the activity of the ombudsman, and the implementation of international legal standards. The article analyzes how the state functions as a guarantor of rights and freedoms through its institutions and policies, ensuring that legal values are not limited to declarative texts but are actively realized in legal practice. It is emphasized that overcoming legal nihilism and restoring confidence in law and justice require not only systemic legal reforms but also the ethical commitment of the state to uphold the principles of the rule of law. Furthermore, the article addresses the threats posed by the formalistic application of law without regard to its value orientation. The author warns that such an approach undermines the moral foundations of legal order and weakens the state’s legitimacy. Therefore, the realization of law must be rooted in a value-conscious framework that aligns state policy with human rights and the public good. The conclusion underlines that the realization of law is inseparable from the broader project of democratic statebuilding. Only through consistent efforts to implement legal norms in a value-oriented manner can the state fulfill its constitutional mission as a custodian of justice and social harmony. Key words: realization of law, legal values, rule of law, dignity, freedom, justice, legal culture, statehood.

“If you want to free a society, just give them Internet access.” These were the words of 30-year-old Egyptian activist Wael Ghonim in a CNN interview on February 9, 2011, just two days before long-time dictator Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down under pressure from a popular, youthful, and peaceful revolution. This revolution was characterized by the instrumental use of social media, especially Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and text messaging by protesters, to bring about political change and democratic transformation. This article focuses on how these new types of media acted as effective tools for promoting civic engagement, through supporting the capabilities of the democratic activists by allowing forums for free speech and political networking opportunities; providing a virtual space for assembly; and supporting the capability of the protestors to plan, organize, and execute peaceful protests. Additionally, it explores how these new media avenues enabled an effective form of citizen journalism, through providing forums for ordinary citizens to document the protests; to spread the word about ongoing activities; to provide evidence of governmental brutality; and to disseminate their own words and images to each other, and, most importantly, to the outside world through both regional and transnational media.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the basic scientific literature of contemporary Ukrainian historians on the struggle of the intelligentsia of the Ukrainian SSR for Ukrainian identity, state independence, and democratic transformations under the pressure of imperial power, in particular, the activities of the generation of the 1960s, i.e. the dissident movement, and national-democratic forces that advocated for the sovereignty and independence of Ukraine at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. The process of reviewing the factual and scientific base on the topic created by foreign researchers by a professional group of Ukrainian historians is traced, and the ideas and conclusions of foreign scholars that were developed in the works of domestic historians are studied. It is concluded that there are still many aspects of the topic that require in-depth study and generalization for a systematic study of the dynamics of the protest movement of the Ukrainian intelligentsia – from educational activities in the field of national cultural work to the creation of a national-democratic opposition and, ultimately, to clarify how the process of building national protest potential took place. Key aspects include: clarification and analysis of the factors that led to the transformation of the intelligentsia into an influential factor in socio-political life and a subject of political relations; systematization and generalization of information and factual data on the development of the resistance movement of the national-patriotic intelligentsia; determination of the range of cultural and educational work; analysis of various forms of political struggle for human and national rights; analysis and generalization of the socio-political role of the national-patriotic intelligentsia in the decisive period of Ukrainian history that preceded the restoration of state independence, in particular in the processes of national revival, the development of civil society structures, and democratic transformations.

У статті розглянуто сутність понять: громадянське суспільство та територіальна громада в контексті реформування державного управління та впровадження нових підходів до управління місцевим розвитком. На думку автора, базою для позитивних соціально-політичних перетворень в країні має стати громадянське суспільство на рівні новостворених спроможних об’єднаних територіальних громад, тому розглянуті та проаналізовані різноманітні наукові підходи до трактування термінів «громадянське суспільство» та «територіальна громада» в контексті демократичних перетворень публічного управління в Україні. Чим більш розвинутим є громадянське суспільство, тим легше громадянам захищати свої інтереси, тим більшими є їхні можливості щодо самореалізації в різних сферах суспільного життя і тим меншою є небезпека узурпації влади тими чи іншими її органами або окремими особами. Відстоюючи матеріальну й духовну незалежність людини від держави, домагаючись правової гарантії такої незалежності захисту приватних і суспільних інтересів людей, громадянське суспільство активно сприяє демократичним процесам, під час яких формується компетентне громадянське середовище. Нові підходи до управління породжують збільшення суб’єктів вироблення політик, стимулюючи залучення громадянського суспільства та бізнесу. Але процеси формування компетентного громадянського суспільства на локальному рівні залишаються малодослідженими та потребують ґрунтовного наукового аналізу для формування нових інтенсивних механізмів впливу на розвиток громадянського суспільства

The article explores the key role of political elites in shaping civil society in Ukraine. It analyzes the impact of political elites on the development of democratic institutions, their ability to engage in institutional interaction with civil organizations, and their participation in ensuring democratic transformations. It is established that political elites act as key agents determining the direction of political transformations. However, their influence is often accompanied by challenges such as corporate interests, corrupt practices, and limited transparency in decision-making processes. The stages of the development of political elites since Ukraine’s independence are examined. In the early stages, they consisted of former post-Soviet cadres, which slowed the democratization process. After the Orange Revolution, and especially following the 2014 Revolution of Dignity, the political elite underwent a renewal, contributing to greater transparency and openness in decision-making. The study reveals that the influence of oligarchic structures remains a significant factor that complicates the implementation of reforms. The role of public consultations and open meetings with the public in the democratization of political processes is analyzed. It is found that these mechanisms are important for engaging citizens in key political decision-making, but their effectiveness is often limited by the internal pressure of political elites’ interests. The research concludes that sustainable democratic development requires further improvement of mechanisms for citizen participation in the political process, increased transparency and accountability of the government, and enhanced public oversight of political elites. It is suggested that digital platforms be more actively only expand opportunities for citizen participation in political life but also provide timely feedback between the authorities and civil society. It is identified that such platforms could serve as effective tools for improving transparency in decisionmaking processes, promoting the openness of political elites, and strengthening public control over their activities. It is argued that achieving sustainable democratic development necessitates balancing the interests of political elites and civil society by creating inclusive mechanisms for discussion and decision-making. The article concludes that future research should focus on examining specific mechanisms of interaction between political elites and civil society and analyzing their effectiveness during political crises.

This article analyzes Ukraine’s ongoing judicial reform in the context of Russia’s War of aggression and Ukraine’s pursuit of European Union (EU) membership. Since the 2014 Revolution of Dignity, the judiciary has become a central pillar of Ukraine’s democratic transformation, facing entrenched corruption, post-Soviet legacies, and fluctuating political will. The 2022 Russian invasion accelerated reform efforts, reinforcing the judiciary’s dual role in maintaining domestic justice and prosecuting war crimes. This article highlights the resilience of legal institutions and professionals working under extreme conditions. It examines how EU accession requirements, particularly the Copenhagen Criteria, have shaped Ukraine’s legal agenda and how digital innovation, civil society engagement, and international partnerships have bolstered reform. Despite war-related disruptions, Ukraine’s judiciary has demonstrated remarkable adaptability and progress. The article concludes that sustainable judicial reform is not merely technical, it is a human-driven process essential to Ukraine’s democratic future and its integration into the European legal and political community.

Islam, Democracy, and Cosmopolitanism: At Home and in the World

For several years in a row, Ukraine has been on the path of active democratic transformations due to a significant number of complex political, economic, environmental, and regulatory changes. Most of the transformations are due to the unwillingness of civil society to put up with situations that hinder the gradual development of all spheres of activity. Unfortunately, the leading positions are occupied by problems related to corruption in the public sector, which is one of the inhibiting factors in the implementation of state programs, reforms, and innovations. Their influence reduces the level of public confidence in the government, as well as contributes to the deterioration of the country's position at the level of international cooperation. Such actions lead to the development of crisis phenomena in sociopolitical and economic activities, reduces the level of national security and social protection of citizens. The presence of crisis phenomena leads to the need to make changes in the functioning of the most necessary industries such as health care facilities, educational services, state-owned enterprises, and industry. The phenomenon of corruption has a negative impact on the country's competitiveness, on its ability to fully meet the needs of its own citizens, which creates distrust not only of ordinary citizens but also of entrepreneurs. Based on this, identifying and preventing the influence of the main factors influencing the development of the anti-corruption policy of the state is quite relevant and important for solving the problems that have covered the activities of our country. In the course of the research, the approaches to understanding the essence of anti-corruption policy were generalized, measures were identified and priority areas for combating corruption were identified. It was found that the functioning of the process of democratic transformation in combating corruption contributes to the creation of a non-corrupt environment that promotes the progressive development of the country. Keywords: Corruption, corrupt activities, state anti-corruption policy, anti-corruption activities, public administration, public administration, public authorities.

The purpose of the article is to conduct a theoretical analysis of the content, essence and functions of the mass media as an important part of the functioning of the political system of society; research on the interaction of government authorities and the mass media; features of the impact of the mass media on society and public administration. Such general scientific and special methods were used in order to reach the set goals: generalization method was used in order to reveal the theoretical and methodological foundations of the communicative interaction mechanisms in the public administration sphere; system method was used in order to reveal the conceptual foundations of communicative interaction in the public administration sphere; logical and dialectical methods, generalization method, method of complex and systemic approaches were used in order to improve certain definitions; logical method was used for theoretical generalization and formulation of conclusions and proposals. In accordance with the goals of the research: 1) on the basis of the theoretical analysis of the research field on the interaction of public administration authorities and the mass media, it was proved that public administration in modern society is impossible without an extensive system of communication; 2) it was established that in the conditions of transition to the information society the role and importance of mass media in the public processes, which take place in modern Ukraine, grow. At the same time, the subjects of public power become the subjects of the communicative process; 3) a theoretical analysis of the research field on the interaction of government authorities and the mass media, where the mass media is often seen not as a socially responsible business, but as a component of political capital or influence, was made; 4) it was established that the formation of the global communication space also affects the role and functions of the mass media; 5) features of the impact of the mass media on society and public administration were analyzed and concepts were singled out; 6) positive aspects of cooperation between the mass media and government authorities in terms of the term “interaction” were defined; 7) it was proved that the mass media is an important tool of public administration, which directly depends on the current political regime in the country; 8) it was established that the mass media is an integral part of the mechanism of democracy functioning, its values and normative principles as well as an important tool of public administration, but it directly depends on the existing political regime in the country. Openness and ensuring access of citizens to information on the activities of the government as well as the involvement of the population in the discussion of socially important information are crucial for the government. It was established that democratic transformations are possible only under the condition of wide openness of the society, publicity and freedom of speech, which would not give advantages to any political force in possession of the mass media. The author’s position on the definition of positive aspects of cooperation between the mass media and government authorities in terms of the term “interaction”. The article contains an original analysis of modern approaches to the peculiarities of the relationship between the government and the mass media, government authorities and the mass media as well as certain aspects of the functioning of the mass media in the processes of democratic transformations of Ukrainian society and legal regulation of state policy in the mass media sphere. The article can serve as a methodological and theoretical basis for further study of the mass media as a component of human communication; the mass media as a channel of manipulative influence on society; features of the functioning of the mass media in the period of transformation of modern Ukrainian society; as well as the role of the mass media in the process of forming the social and communication sphere of civil society.

This study aims to analyze political participation in Algeria and the impact of the political system, civil society, and press freedom on this participation. The findings indicate that the political system has remained authoritarian despite reforms, limiting the effectiveness of political pluralism and maintaining elections as a tool for reproducing power rather than achieving democratic transformation. Civil society suffers from government intervention and limited resources, while press freedom remains restricted despite periods of openness. Due to the absence of effective participation channels, political violence has escalated, as seen in the events of October 1988 and the Black Decade. Meanwhile, the Amazigh issue has evolved from an elite-driven movement into a significant political cause, ultimately leading to its official recognition.

The democratization of the country is impossible without existence of active civil society, and therefore the first step of democratic transformations should be the formation of such a society among the population. In the countries where a significant part of the population lives in villages the issue has certain peculiarities. In such cases, it is possible to form an active public position around the issues related to labor activities that cause a significant interest among the population. In case of Georgia, one of these fields is irrigation. The paper considers one of the forms of civil society - the issue of organizing and managing associations of a temporary irrigation system network. It should be noted that after private property was established on the land, the works for arranging as well as maintaining the temporary irrigation network became the responsibility of the land owners, which in its turn is practically impossible to perform individually. The necessity of such unions is substantiated in the paper, also, there is also an explanation of the reasons for the failure of the first attempt to form such associations (irrigation and drainage user associations) in Georgia and there are given some of the principles of their successful functioning as well. At the same time, the necessity of keeping the principle of voluntary creation of the union should be noted as well as the question of the authority and professionalism of its leadership. and on the turn of the local leadership considering the decisions about the issues in the jurisdiction made by the union, which is the basis of the successful functioning of the union.

Democratic transition from authoritarian rule has been an important focus of scholarly interest since 1970s. The democratic transition literature presented many concepts, theoretical arguments, methodological and analytical approaches to tackle with this phenomenon. This huge academic accumulation came in conjunction with what was called the third wave of democratization which started in the mid-seventies beginning from southern Europe, and extended during the decades of the eighties and nineties to include many countries around the globe. Democratic transition can be defined as a political process of establishing or enlarging the possibility of democratic participation and liberalization. This process reflects the redistribution of power between the state and the civil society. It is accompanied by the appearance of different centers of power and the introduction of the political debate. The article concentrates on the mechanisms which lead to the consensus between political actors which perform this democratic transformation. Democratic transition thus always requires a mechanism of negotiations, political talks, facilitating compromises between authoritarian politicians and democratic opposition and engendering a minimum level of trust between these parties. The strategy of political compromise has a major impact on the stability of society during the democratic transition period. This article addresses the concept of democratic transition alongside with general theories of democratization and the emergence of democratic transition studies. It focuses on some aspects in explaining the democratic transition theory. The negotiations, political talks and their impact on democratic transitions are also explored by the author. The article specifies the ways and methods through which the democratic transition is taking place in the global world.

The aim of the article is to investigate the reasons of legal nihilism and abuse of law origin, to find the optimal ways of overcoming these negative legal phenomena and, as a result, to solve legal conflicts in the activity of state authorities and local self-government, their officials, providing recommendations on introducing liability for law abusing. The process of establishing respect to the law is primarily connected with overcoming legal nihilism, legal conflicts and abuse of law limitation. Legal nihilism retards the decent development of the legal system, encumbers the access of society members to legal values and becomes a serious obstacle on the way of the formation of civil society. Specificity of any legal conflict lays in the fact that is its features and peculiarities are shown, seen and characterized from the position of law, specific legal norms and their requirements, decrees, orders to be perceived and evaluated differently by subjects of law A sense of respect together with legal awareness allows a person logically, reasonably, rationally evaluate and find the most suitable way of behavior and legitimate actions. When manifesting real respect here operates one of the important legal principles of civil society - respect for the rights and freedoms of others as their own. This principle is based on the necessity to keep away from any actions (inaction) so directly or indirectly worsening social or legal status of an individual. We mean here exclusion of not only unlawful actions, but also the facts of rude misuse of law. Factors of rude misuse of law are real assets of law practice, therefore, when understanding problems related to the establishment and development of legal awareness, legal culture, and respect for the law, it is necessary to consider the fact that legislation doesn`t forbid to do evil and is the abuse of law in its purest form. And it cannot be avoided, since law shouldn`t be ubiquitous, otherwise a person would be completely deprived of freedom. However, a civil society, betaking spiritual and moral potential capabilities, can create a certain exclusion zone for people challenging law abusing.

The main function of any ideology is to legitimize the established order of things as true, universal and unshakable. The ideological form is aimed at the formation of the addressee's specific stereotypes of behavior corresponding to the trajectory of officially recognized ideas, values, axioms, principles, norms of law. Legal ideology is a conceptualized expression of normative, political and universal methods of legal understanding. As the methods of ideological influence can be identified scientific-doctrinal and official-legal nomination, legal propaganda, legal education, legal education, etc. Legal propaganda is the systematic and purposeful dissemination in society of certain legal ideas, values, norms and programs of behavior in order to control the addressee and control his thinking and behavior, has a coercive nature in order to prevent deviation from the absolute standards of behavior. Propaganda is often one of the main means of political manipulation. At present," legal propaganda" as the most radical concept has given way to softer methods of ideological influence - "legal education" and " legal upbringing". Legal literacy and legal awareness of citizens in modern Russia is an important area of public policy, the implementation of which is entrusted to the Federal and regional public authorities, local governments, professional legal communities and public associations of lawyers, in close collaboration with civil society structures in the form of social partnerships. The involvement of public organizations for legal education of the population through legal propaganda in order to implement the state policy was actively developed in the Soviet period. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to analyze the phenomenon of the Soviet legal ideology in the context of legal propaganda by public organizations. The study was conducted within the framework of socio-cultural approach. That approach allowed expanding the idea of the place and role of legal propaganda in the Soviet society as a product of the state ideology focused on the identification of Soviet cultural values, its reglamentation and practical realisation.