ПОГЛЯДИ ТА ДІЯЛЬНІСТЬ Т. Ґ. МАСАРИКА В ПРАЦЯХУКРАЇНСЬКИХ ЕМІГРАНТІВ 20–30 РР. ХХ СТ.

this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.

When Charles Darwin was developing his ideas for On the Origin of Species, the most widely accepted estimates of Earth’s age were those of William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin). Kelvin used calculations involving thermodynamics to argue that Earth is only 20–100 million years old—an age far too brief to accommodate evolution by natural selection. Darwin referred to Thomson’s claim as one of his “sorest troubles,” for Darwin understood that the history of life on Earth ultimately relies on geology. Darwin suspected that Earth was much older than Thomson claimed, but Thomson’s enormous stature as a scientist obliged Darwin to reconcile his claims with Kelvin’s data. To accommodate Kelvin’s timeline, Darwin proposed pangenesis as an explanation of inheritance (i.e., every sperm and egg contained “gemmules thrown off from each different unit throughout the body”). Darwin’s explanation sped evolution while avoiding Lamarck’s quasi-spiritual sources of acquired traits. However, Darwin’s explanation of inheritance was wrong (see discussion in Moore et al. 2009a). The age of Earth remains a divisive topic in the modern evolution–creationism controversy. Whereas mainstream science has long acknowledged that Earth is approximately 4.5 billion years old, a vocal group of citizens and religious activists continue to insist that Earth is less than 10,000 years old. Although most geocentrists and flat-Earth advocates have capitulated to scientific evidence, young-Earth creationists continue to reject scientific evidence in favor of religious dictum to claim that Earth is less than 10,000 years old. These antiscience claims have been surprisingly popular with the public. For example, a Gallup Poll in early 2009 reported that “On Darwin’s [200th] Birthday, Only 4 in 10 Believe in Evolution” (Newport 2009), and Berkman et al. (2008) noted that “16% [of biology teachers] believed that human beings were created by God in their present form at one time within the last 10,000 years.” In another study, 12.5% of students were young-Earth creationists (Rutledge and Warden 2000), as are 10%–14% of biology majors (Moore and Cotner 2009). Answers in Genesis’ (AiG) Creation Museum, along with the $27 million in donations required to build it, attest to the appeal of young-Earth creationism. Indeed, AiG’s income for 2005 exceeded $13 million, and that of the Institute for Creation Research (ICR, another religious organization based on young-Earth creationism) exceeded $7 million. For comparison, the 2005 income of National Center for Science Education—the nation’s leading organization that defends the teaching of evolution in public schools—was

M. Hrushevsky is a remarkable figure in the Ukrainian history of the late 19 – early 20th century. In recent decades there have been a lot of papers devoted to his scientific and political activities, personal life, and analysis of his scientific heritage. However, M. Hrushevsky's relations with the Ukrainian youth are still one of the unsolved aspects. The main idea of the article is an attempt to analyze the scientist's interpretation of the role and key tasks of the students in the process of national self-identification of the Ukrainians. The aims are to explore the nature of M. Hrushevsky's relationship with young people in educational, scientific, private spheres of life, and to specify the professor's contribution in the case of material support of youth. The scientist was clearly aware of the exceptional role and mission of youth in the processes of the Ukrainian nation formation and construction of the Ukrainian state, and therefore he tried to promote its establishment and development in every way. He was convinced that the youth is the bearer of the nation's potential and that the future of the Ukrainians depends on its character and well-being. M. Hrushevsky was assured that his own task and the task of the public are the creation of the conditions for the young generation formation, the development of such qualities as initiative, independence, creativity, and responsibility. The main sphere of relations between M. Hrushevsky and youth was education. In 1894 professor headed the World history department at the philosophy faculty at Lviv University, with a special emphasis on Eastern Europe. He believed that the main condition of the formation of the Ukrainian youth is the creation of the ability to get an education in the native language, as well as the opportunity of being involved in the scientific activity. M. Hrushevsky read original lecture courses in Ukrainian, which were attended by students of different faculties. At the university, he also conducted the practical classes ("historical exercises"), during which he tried to stimulate students' scientific activity and develop their critical view of the world. Professor had the private lessons, too, during which he provided students with the consultations, listened to the research works, and estimated those. Moreover, he allowed students to use his library. M. Hrushevsky encouraged young people to study science. In the summer of 1904, with the assistance of the Shevchenko Scientific Society, he founded in Lviv the Ukrainian academic vacation courses. The last ones gave to the Ukrainian youth the opportunity to meet and communicate with the Ukrainian scientists from Galicia and the Dnieper Ukraine. M. Hrushevsky himself taught courses on the history of Ukraine. The professor encouraged students to work in the archives and collect materials for the research. He helped them to obtain permission to work in the archives in different countries and searched the financial support for such assignments. And, as an editor of scientific publications, he promoted publication of the articles by his students. Sometimes the relationship between professor and his students acquired a private character. The students often visited M. Hrushevsky's home with the aim to talk or report the news, accepted his invitations for lunch, dinner, and holidays. Some of them had a vacation in a professor's house in Kryvorivnia village. M. Hrushevsky always was sincerely concerned about the financial problems of Ukrainian students. For the financial support of the young scientists on the professor's initiative, several scholarship funds were established in the Shevchenko Scientific Society. M. Hrushevsky also initiated the fundraising for the construction of a dormitory for the Ukrainian youth – "Academic building" in Lviv. He curated the construction of this institution during 1904–1905. M. Hrushevsky, in every way, supported student organizations in various aspects of their activities, as well as the political initiatives of young people. For numerous times, he participated in various events organized by youth societies. The scientist entirely supported the students in the struggle for the opening of the Ukrainian University in Lviv. Thus, in the paper, it is proved that M. Hrushevsky was aware of the exceptional role of students in the formation of the Ukrainian nation and believed that youth is the basis of the intellectual elite foundation process. The relations between the scientist and the Ukrainian youth were close and diverse. In M. Hrushevsky's activities, the priority was given to the versatile political, scientific, moral, and material support of students. Keywords: M. Hrushevsky, youth, students, education, science, Lviv University, Academic building.

The scholarly examination of new Russian Paganism tends to follow one of two lines. Some researchers discover Paganism while studying right-wing movements in general. Therefore, they focus on the Russian Neopagans' political and xenophobic views by analyzing their leaders' writings. In addition, they study their political activity, including their enrollment in radical political parties and their violent activities toward “others.” Such researchers are naturally uninterested in those groups that do not fit the wider frame of “the right wing”. Others regard Russian Neopagans as a new religious movement from a religious-studies perspective, or perhaps as a youth subculture from a sociological perspective. Therefore, they aspire to cover religious issues: beliefs, rituals, and practices. They are less interested in groups whose activities seem to stray too often into politics or radical ideology, and they may try to define away such groups from the family of religious Neopagans. In this article I focus on the political attitudes and social aspects of the Russian Neopagans' activity. I also cover the Neopagans' participation in the political movements and radical violent activity, such as those of violent skinheads and terrorists. The Neopagans themselves usually deny—or at least, downplay—chauvinist, racist, and Nazi attitudes among themselves. Nonetheless, in his most recent book, the well-known Neopagan leader Velimir (Nikolai Speranskii) recognized the existence of the right wing, where he includes Valerii Yemelyanov, volkhv (wizard) Dobroslav (Aleksei Dobrovolskii), Vladimir Istarkhov, and Igor Sinyavin, as well as the Union of the Slavic Communities of Vadim Kazakov and the Church of Nav' and Neopagan skinheads.

personal is political, went a much-quoted, and much misused, slogan of the 1970s. For more than fifteen years, Peter Dale Scott's ongoing epic poem has documented, with a rare open-mindedness and curiosity, the actual intersections between his life as a political activist and his other lives?religious, aesthetic, familial, erotic. A third volume, excerpted here, is now nearing completion. The view of politics itself has darkened a good deal, over the years. The con spiracy hunter often seems lost in a Pynchonesque labyrinth, where he cannot tell the endless chain of clues from randomness, coinci dence, and deliberate disinformation. Worse, he is no longer quite sure who are the good guys, who the bad. What if the exhibitionism of the New Left caused the election of Reagan? What if Nixon fell not for his vices but his virtues?his d?tente with Russia and China too much for even more right-wing elements in the FBI and CIA? What if Jimmy Carter, appearances to the contrary, was a more com pliant President? As T. S. Eliot, the subject of Scott's doctoral disser tation, wrote in Gerontion,

T HE PURPOSE of this research is to assess the accuracy of Daniel Elazar's propositions regarding the geographic distributions of political subcultures in the United States. Elazar asserts that the American political culture can be viewed as a hybrid of three identifiable subcultures which are derived from cultural streams of immigration to the country. Because of the basically westward pattern of migration across the continent, the various subcultures have become dominant in different geographic areas.' Elazar summarizes his impressionistic findings in two maps which ascribe subcultural inclinations to both states and substate regions.2 According to Elazar the individualistic subculture emphasizes the centrality of private concerns and views politics as a means of personal advancement. Thus, there is no obligation to participate, but one is free to do so if political activity is seen as beneficial to the individual. By contrast, the moralistic political subculture views the political order as a commonwealth in which each individual has a responsibility to participate for the public (not private) good. The traditionalistic subculture is essentially elitist. Politics is viewed as properly left to the better sort who act as custodians of the traditional structures and norms.3 Given the potential effects of such views of politics upon variations in state policies, the question of the accuracy of Elazar's asserted geographic distributions of the hypothetical subcultures is an important one. However, no empirical test of the assertions using survey data has been attempted.4

Edward Dembowski – life and work of “the red castellan’s‑ son”
 Edward Dembowski is one of the most controversial figures of Polish history in the nineteenth century. Outstanding conspirator, totally dedicated to the democratic and revolutionary ideals, tirelessly tried to trigger off another national uprising, combined with the social revolution. He was primarily a man of action, but also left a number of writings, showing his achievements in the field of philosophy, literature and journalism. Dembowski’s figure is surrounded by legend, also because of his tragic death at a young age. But in fact, the “red castellan” is surrounded by two legends – the black one and the white one. According to the first of them, the character of the following article was an insane communist and revolutionary, guilty of bloodshed in the name of utopian ideals. The second legend, positive, presents his person as the heroic envoy, one of the national heroes of the nineteenth‑century, totally dedicated to the national and social causes, finally dying in the name of these ideals. Which of the two legends is closer to the truth? I hope that this article, which aims to provide an overview of the most important facts about the life of Edward Dembowski and to present his political, social and philosophical views, will help readers find the answer to this question. The first part of the paper primarily describes the life and activity of Edward Dembowski, while the second one focuses on his philosophical views.

Alexander Prokhanov is one of the most significant figures in the patriotic-conservative circles in Russia. What makes him extraordinary is his versatility – he is a political activist, journalist, media personality and a writer. The idea of special historical destiny of Russia is a constant component of his political views which have a strong mystical background. The novel Star Man is a typical example of the literary expansion of his political concepts by referring to the poetics of myth.

This paper offers an analysis of the problem of the relationship between Russian and German studies of antiquity during the XIX century. Vladislav Petrovich Buzeskul (1858-1931), an expert in the political history of ancient Athens, was one of the most outstanding researchers of the history of the formation of German antiquity at that time. The main research field for the scholar was the problems of the history of the ancient world. Much less is known about the historiographic component of his work, which manifested itself in his early works, published in the late 1880s. Vladislav Buzeskul reached the pinnacle of his career when he published his work “Introduction to Greek History”, which has been reprinted many times, including in the XXI century. The first edition was published in 1903. The main distinguishing feature of the work is a deep source analysis, which is combined with an excellent knowledge of historiographical material. But “Introduction to Greek History” sums up the previous historiographical practice of the scholar. The article strives to show the “movement” of Buzeskul from one study to another, which eventually brought brilliant results in 1903. Obviously, the paper volume allows us to highlight only the main points of that “movement”. Therefore, we are focusing only on what the historiographer himself considers to be the most characteristic in his works on the history of German antiquity. Buzeskul describes the close connection between the academic search of European historians and their social and political views and practices as a “determining” value in the development of German antiquity studies. In this regard, his most relevant article is the one, where he compares the works of the German antiquity researcher E. Curtius and his British colleague J. Groth. The comparison of “Greek History” by Curtius and “History of Greece” by Groth leads Buzescul to the conclusion that the Briton’s views on the history of antiquity were predetermined by their political activities in the parliament. Buzeskul also found the same dependence in the history of the German science of world history, stating in 1915 that the dependence of historiography on “politics” clearly manifested itself in the political history of Germany throughout the XIX century.

This article reports original research examining characteristics of the active followers of the American animal rights movement. Typical respondents were Caucasian, highly educated urban professional women approximately thirty years old with a median income of $33,000 (1989). Most activists think of themselves as Democrats or as Independents, and have moderate to liberal political views. They were often suspicious of science and made no distinction between basic and applied science, or public versus private animal-based research. The research suggests that animal rights activism is part of a symbolic manifestation of egalitarian social and political views concerning scientific and technological change.

French colonial rule in Vietnam (1858-1954) resulted in, for the first time, the formal education of Vietnamese girls. By the 1920s a small percentage of young Vietnamese women were enrolled in colonial schools where they learned, in addition to home economics and child rearing, the French language, French history, and French literature. As a result, they were able to read newspapers, novels, and other writings on a variety of subjects and issues. This ability thrust them into the public sphere of political debates in colonial Vietnam. A significant number of these young women were politicized in the process and expressed their political views in a number of ways, including student protests and strikes.

Background. In the XX-XXI centuries politics is becoming an increasingly professional field of activity, to which more and more women are joining. Insufficient representation of the latter in state bodies gives grounds for doubts about the democracy of the state system, which determined the relevance of the study. Analysis of recent research and publications. Various aspects of the position of woman in Ukrainian politics have been studied by T. Martseniuk, Ya. Radysh, V. Smachylo, and G. Yurovska, but today we are required to carry out a comprehensive legal analysis of the formation of a gender equality society in Ukraine. The aim of the article is to study national legislation on the issue of gender equality in the political sphere, taking into account international standards; analysis of mechanisms for increasing the number of women in politics based on the generalization of the experience of developed democracies. Materials and methods, that were used - dialectical, comparative analysis, systemic, formal and legal scientific methods and principles. Results. An important aspect of the struggle of women for their political rights was that the latest constitutions of the states enshrined the principle of equality of citizens, including in the electoral process, regardless of gender, race and political views. Analysis of the political experience of social democracies has shown that the participation of women deputies in the work of parliaments and other representative institutions is extremely important and effective for society as a whole, because they focus on health care, upbringing, education, social protection of population, etc. In Ukraine, equality between woman and man has been established de jure, but gender stereotypes regarding the distribution of roles continue to dominate society and consciousness. The most successful international practices include the creation of a parliament on the basis of gender equality through the application of: positive actions for the implementation of gender quotas; creation of state institutions to monitor the observance of equal rights for women and men; implementation of gender expertise of bills. Conclusion. Our study has improved the thesis that in Ukraine there is an objective need to change the patriarchal type of political culture. In this regard, we have proposed measures that can increase the status of Ukrainian woman in politics: to further monitor national legislation; introduce national mechanisms to ensure the representation of women in government; create the necessary economic conditions for the implementation of women's political activity. Keywords: gender equality, democracy, parliamentarism, women’s political rights.

Introduction. The article discusses the poetic innovations, formal and stylistic peculiarities in the work of the talented poet Usmon Kuchkor. The poet's “muqarnas” are analyzed. The second half of the twentieth century and the period of independence have a special significance with Uzbek poetry, its charm, new tones and visual features. Methodological and formal research, the renewal of artistic thinking, the human heart and spiritual experiences, the vivid depiction of emotions form the basis of this poetry. In this, the importance of artistic thinking in particular is immeasurable. As the literary critic N. Rakhmonov noted: "The multifaceted and multilayered phenomenon - the concept of artistic thinking is a specific product of philosophical, ethical and political views, manifested in the way of thinking of the artist" [7,4]. Methods.

Eugene R. Sheppard's study examines Leo Strauss, the Jew, the German, the Zionist, the critic of liberalism, and above all the philosopher. The Strauss that emerges from this meticulous study is a fervent conservative and an eclectic voice. Simultaneously shaped by the multiplicity of biographical, historical, and philosophical contexts, Strauss bridged some of the most extreme Weimar philosophical traditions in his own work. Born into rural Hesse in the small town of Kirchhain, raised in a middle-class Jewish family, Strauss grew up within a Jewish community of religious observance and patriotism, a conservative region in which political antisemitism found receptive listeners. Recalling his childhood in a Zionist article, Strauss believed that the rural Hessen communities had “remained virtually untouched by the liberal Reform movement” (p. 10) in the nineteenth century. For him, his place of origin informed his philosophical and political views. Kirchhain also placed him in geographical proximity to the neo-Kantian and Jewish philosopher Hermann Cohen, whose philosophical work continued to emanate from Marburg even after his retirement in 1912. Strauss shared with many other German Jewish intellectuals of the period a great admiration for the Jewish neo-Kantian “because he was a passionate philosopher and a Jew devoted to Judaism” (p. 14).

The present article seeks to critically probe Gandhi’s civilisational view of Indian society and politics both from his few articulate and many hidden statements at different stages of his life. His civilisational view is, therefore, analysed from a variety of perspectives: its origin, direction, advocated methods and long-time impact on Gandhian thought, philosophy and activities. It is presumed that such an analysis of Gandhi’s political philosophy with special reference to his civilisational view may clarify some of the mysteries associated with his much cited and often criticised ‘strategies’ of political activity. The article has three parts. The first dwells on the background of Gandhi’s civilisational critique and touches on some of its contents from the political standpoints. The second probes into the many meanings of civilisational politics both from Gandhi’s articulate and hidden statements on the subject. The third reviews the impact of Gandhi’s civilisational politics on the course and strategy of his political action, and its legacy for the future. The underlying idea is that satyagraha in the Gandhian philosophical context is most intelligible when viewed from the short- and long-term perspectives of civilisational politics.