Белорусское Полесье как объект этнокультурной инженерии Польши в 1930-е гг.: медийные аспекты (на основе материалов Государственного архива Брестской области)

The paper aims to provide an overview of the main streams of perception of Israeli and Palestinian national identities by Polish authorities and society, as well as analyze their sources. The study covers the period of time when both of the national identities took shape, that is since the beginning of the mass Jewish migration to Palestine at the beginning of the XXth century until the present time. As the Jews have for a long time been an important part of Polish history and society, Poles have a strong perception of Jewish, and consequently also Israeli, identity. Polish Jews, who played a crucial role in establishing the Israeli state and shaping Israeli national identity, were treated by many Poles as “our Jews”. This perception was conditioned by internal factors, such as social relations, cultural proximity, historical memory or political views. In contrast, a perception of the Palestinian identity from the very beginning was conditioned externally, because it resulted from international political developments and a narrative imposed by foreign powers. Another special feature of the Polish perception of Israeli and Palestinian identity is the fact that public opinion very often differs significantly from the political position of state authorities.

The research on “The Readiness for the Transferring of Educational Mission of the Local Administration, Samutsakorn Province” aimed to 1) study the opinions of the administrators of the Subdistrict Administrative Organization and the educational administrators of the educational institutions in Samutsakorn Province toward the readiness for the transferring of educational mission of the local administration, 2) study the factors influencing the readiness for the transferring of educational mission of the local administration, and 3) study the problems and obstacles of the local administration for the transferring of educational mission. The results showed that the opinion of the administrators of the Subdistrict Administrative Organization and the educational administrators of the educational institutions co-confirmed that the local administration was not yet ready for the transferring of educational mission due to the lack of efficient educational supports and the appropriate operation of the local administration at the policy executive level in terms of supports for academic resources in the forms of budget, personnel, improved law and regulations together with the adjustment of educational systems and management mechanism that must be flexible, transparent, just, and accountable on the basis of mutual decision-making from every part concerned. The problems and obstacles in the decentralization of educational mission onto the local administration included the structure of the local administration, the monetary and fiscal policies of the local administration, personnel management, and the full participation of the local populace. Keywords : Local administration ; Readiness ; Transferring of of educational missiont

The article is devoted to the proverbs of Russian Germans, which reflect their wisdom, spirit, and national identity. All dialectal proverbs were compared with proverbs from the German literary language and the Russian literary language from the point of view of their lexical content, meaning, and usage. This study provided insights into the mindset and character of Russian Germans and highlighted changes in their language.

Food contamination caused by foodborne pathogens is one of the most important concerns in public health worldwide, and accounts for a significant portion of food loss every year. The emergence of antimicrobial resistant bacteria has turned the attention of researchers back to the potential of bacteriophages as antibacterial agents, and their use has been attempted in various pre-and post-harvest food production settings. The application of phage-based antibacterial products has achieved considerable success but a number of technical, environmental and administrative challenges remain unaddressed. In this review, we summarize the current status of bacteriophage application in the food industry. We discuss the obstacles facing the further development of phage-based antibacterial products from the aspects of technology, environmental safety, and administrative policy. We also advance some possible solutions to these challenges. © 2021 Society of Chemical Industry.

After the death of the Prophet Muhammad, the caliphs who came to power continued the conquests started with the aim of spreading Islam. Some of these activities were related to Azerbaijan. Like every state, the Arab caliphate had its own administrative system, which was more or less the same in all regions. The Arab armies governed the newly conquered territories by appointing governors. From the first day of its capture, Azerbaijan began to be governed by governors appointed here. The first governor who adopted Ardabil as his center, as it was during the Sassanid period, was Hüzeyfa b. al-Yaman has been. We can say that the Arab caliphate aimed to reduce the influence of the Byzantine and Khazars, the leading states of that time, in the region by attracting the local people to their side and forming a unified power unit relying on the support of the local people in the future struggle against them.

This review examines one of the key chapters of the fundamental book “Kyjevská Rus: dějiny, kultura, společnost“ [Kievan Rus: History, Culture, Society] by Czech historianmedievalist Michal Téra. The chapter under review is titled “Dělníci poslední hodiny: Církevní organizace a křesťanství na Kyjevské Rusi” [Workers of the Last Hour: Church Organization and Christianity in Kievan Rus]. This chapter emphasizes that the adoption of Christianity at the end of the 10th century fundamentally transformed the East Slavic space, predetermining its cultural and historical unity for many centuries to come. At this period a type of Old Russian church and East Slavic Christianity formed, which for a long time ensured and preserved the unity of the East Slavic space. As Téra says, the Uniate projects of the 16th–17th centuries did not change anything. The culture, literature, language and mentality of local peoples to the present day are determined by the processes that took place in Kievan Rus in the 11th–13th centuries. This statement of Téra is in direct conflict with the claims of some post-Soviet historians, who seek to question the unity of Kievan Rus by isolating the separate East Slavic peoples as early as in the Middle Ages. The obvious factors of the unity of Ancient Rus have nowadays become the object of an aggressive revision on the part of politically engaged historiographies of modern East Slavic states to please the current interests of political elites. Therefore, familiarity with the fundamental work of M. Tera will be useful for specialists in the history of Russia and Eastern Europe.

Middle level educators must find ways to integrate postsecondary education and career exploration throughout the curriculum.One can never consent to creep when one feels the impulse to soar.Helen Keller (1954, p. 335)One major aspect of the education policy of the Obama administration involves promoting greater high school graduation rates nationwide and expanding access to postsecondary options (e.g., junior colleges, four-year universities, trade schools, vocational training programs) through college and career readiness programs (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). These also important aims of the Common Core State Standards, which are designed to be robust and relevant to the real world, reflecting the knowledge and skills that our young people need for success in college and (Common Core State Standards Initiative, 2012, Mission Statement section). The administration contends that one factor essential to attaining this formidable goal is middle grades student achievement, particularly in low-performing schools. This focus on the middle grades seems appropriate because high school-based career and college education often may be ineffective for high-risk students who may already be considering dropping out of school as early as ninth grade (Legum & Hoare, 2004).While these policies focus on achievement of content knowledge, the changing world of work also requires attention to certain types of skills taught in the classroom. Johnson (2000) noted that rather than finding stable, long-term employment, workers in the future will encounter more contractual work, temporary assignments, and decentralized work locations. This means that, in addition to having knowledge of their fields, future workers will need to be more flexible, be committed to ongoing learning and development, be able to problem solve, be good communicators, be able to quickly analyze data, and possess collaborative decision-making skills. Content knowledge alone will not be enough to sustain and to make workers effective.Middle grades educators may wonder how they can impact students' progress toward postsecondary success and career readiness. Moreover, they may feel inadequately prepared to foster the knowledge and skill development students need to prepare for postsecondary success in the 21st century, especially for at-risk students (Legum & Hoare, 2004). In addition, educators may be uncertain how to teach the skills needed for future careers while, at the same time, balancing the fundamental, accountability-driven content standards. There a limited number of hours in a school day. How can middle grades teachers possibly fit more into the curriculum? In this article, we argue for a greater emphasis on career-related education and suggest practical strategies for integrating postsecondary education and career with the existing middle level curriculum.Arguments for career-related education in the middle gradesCareer and college readiness encompasses an array of knowledge, skills, and attitudes. Yet, in a study of sixth and ninth grade students' career development awareness, only about half could identify a skill needed for career success (Johnson, 2000). Even more disheartening was the finding that approximately 88% of the students participating in the study reflected little or no awareness of how the skills, knowledge, or attitudes learned in the subject coursework might relate to future employment (p. 269). Another finding that raised concern was that sixth graders found school work more useful to their future than did ninth graders. Johnson considered this finding to be evidence of students' growing discontentment with the school experience between their sixth and ninth grade years. This finding illustrates why it is essential to keep students engaged in activities that connect academics to career and college preparation throughout the middle grades. This is especially of concern to educators because, by ninth grade, many students who feel disconnected from school may be considering dropping out. …

This paper reviews the evidence which suggests that the coercive aspects of UK unemployment and social security policies have not been implemented as rigorously as policy statements and commentators have implied. The analysis explores the tension between policing benefits and the duty to provide genuine assistance to job seekers. It suggests that policy ambiguity leads to the exercise of informal discretion, which in turn facilitates the non‐implementation of the least favoured policy objectives. The introduction of managerialist practices does not appear to have had a beneficial effect on the administration of active labour market policies, in terms of either achieving policy objectives or providing a better service for unemployed people. Rather, it would appear that the additional stresses imposed on staff by resource constraints, work intensification and the pressure to meet performance targets have led to a lowering of morale which cannot help but be reflected in the standard of service available to the unemployed.

Star wars brought to earth

The direct link between United States' energy security policy and its military policy in Persian Gulf can be traced back to formulation of Carter doctrine in late 19705 and subsequent creation of rapid deployment force (RDF)-ancestor to US central command (CENTCOM)-in early igSos.' The threat has evolved with strategic context-from a Soviet incursion into Gulf after invasion of Afghanistan, to an Iranian attack against Gulf monarchies after 1979, to regional security implications of Iraq-1 ran to threat posed by Saddam Hussein after end of with Iran-but objective has remained same: to sanctuarize petro-monarchies of Gulf, and especially Saudi Arabia, against any external threat; in other words, to prevent heart of world oil system from being caught up into regional political instability.FROM POLICEMAN TO POLITICAL ENGINEERTo use a term from political philosophy, US involvement in Persian Gulf under Carter doctrine amounted to applying a negative power: it was meant to prevent people from doing certain things more than it aimed at shaping region. The US has made it impossible for Iran and Iraq, successively, to threaten security of production and export facilities of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and United Arab Emirates, as well as sea-lanes of Gulf and Strait of Hormuz. But from late 1970s until 11 September 2001, US had never seriously tried to change regimes of Iran, Iraq, or Syria, to prevent Iraq and Iran from fighting, or to push for political reforms in monarchies of Gulf. The type of power that United States has applied in Middle East under Carter doctrine is that of a policeman, not that of a planner.After terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, Bush administration undertook a complete reorientation of US policy in Middle East. At core of new approach is idea that to win war on terrorism United States must take advantage of its unprecedented power to freedom-promote democracy and market economy-throughout world, and especially across Arab-Muslim world. The second aspect of Bush doctrine-as new policy has come to be called-is concept of preemptive war, which actually means preventive war: nature of threat confronting United States-a combination of transnational terrorist networks, evil regimes, failed states, and proliferation of unconventional weapons-requires that US be ready to act preventively. This second pillar of Bush doctrine contributes to its revolutionary character but is of less importance for purpose of this article than policy of democracy promotion in Middle East.The first comprehensive policy document presenting Bush doctrine was national security strategy of United States of America (NSS) released by White House in September 2002. was also conveyed to American people and to world in a series of speeches by President Bush in 2002 and 2003.2 The latest NSS document, published in March 2006, tones down doctrine of preemption-though it formally maintains it-but strongly reaffirms strategic commitment to advancement of liberty. In his introductory letter, Bush reaffirms that fighting and winning on terror and promoting freedom as alternative to tyranny and despair are two inseparable priorities of US foreign policy, and that the advance of liberty will make America more secure. The first sentence of NSS itself states: It is policy of United States to seek and support democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.1 The Bush doctrine has evoked an intense debate among foreign policy experts but, more than three years after launch of in Iraq, promotion of political freedom is still guiding principle of Bush administration's Middle East policy. …

This study is concerned with a consideration of the problem of developing a suggested guide for the adainietration of vooatlonal eduoation in agriculture in the public seoondary schools of Louisiana. The normative survey method, utilizing the question naire teohnlque characterizes the aethod of research used in the study in which 409 educators participated. Data are coaplled in tabular fora. A handbook for the administration of vocational eduoation in agriculture In the public secondary schools in Louisiana is suggested as the conclusion to the study. Thirty characteristics are Identified as specific local level adalnistratlve practices that will enhance the effectiveness and efficisncy of a local prograa of voca tional agriculture. The thirty items are projections of: (a) the importance of the administrator understanding and appreciating the aia and objectives or purposes of the various educational activities of vocational eduoation in agrioulture, and (b) the necessity of local level adalnis tratlve participation in the activities of planning, organizing, dlreoting, coordinating and controlling as are neoessary to oreate and maintain an effective and efficient loeal prograa of vocational agrioulture as a part of the total educational prograa of the eohool and coaaunlty. ix The suggested guide involves: (a) the establishment of a foundation for administrative policies for local administrators to use as a guide In providing educational leadership for loeal departments of vooatlonal agriculture, (b) an outline of a complete program of vooatlonal eduoa tion in agriculture, (o) suggestions for looal administrative policy relative to facilitating a complete prograa, and (d) implication of the current Louisiana State Plan for Vocational Education as it affects the looal administration of vocational eduoation in agrioulture. x CHAPTER I in the field of general education. Although this consensus has foundation, a difference does seem to exist with regard to organization, with regard to training of teachers, with regard to the selection and determination of course content and with regard to the determination of standards by which the efficiency of vocational agriculture can be evaluated in terms of Its real economic and social value. It is conceivable that these differences could soawn a situation wherein the educational administrator would find it exceedingly difficult to understand and aooreciate the purposes and inherent functions of vocational agriculture, thus falling to provide the necessary environ ment essential to effective and efficient local programs* Such conditions only lead to mere dabbling with agriculture as a part of the educational program, adding nothing to the personality of the individual so enrolled that could be properly identified with general or vocational education. It is also conceivable that vocational agriculture could subordinate general education to the point where the latter would practically disappear. Neither situation is desirable. In order to fulfill its purposes and perform its Inherent functions in contribut ing to the appropriate kind of education, vocational agri oulture must be a part of a rigidly administered educational program in terms of the criteria for both vocational agri oulture and general eduoation.

From the sixteenth century until the coming of the Salazar regime, Portuguese control in the Zambezi basin rested on the prazos da coroa—grants of crown land. Portuguese acquisition of land and jurisdiction began with the establishment of the trading fairs in Mashonaland in the second half of the sixteenth century. Private titles first became common in the seventeenth century, when individual conquistadores, who had obtained concessions from chiefs in return for their help in local wars, sought official titles for their land from the Portuguese crown. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the Crown tried to modify the terms of these grants and alter the character of the institution of the prazos. The prazo-holders successfully resisted these encroachments because their power rested on their followings of African slaves and clients, and on their control of local administration and their family alliances. In the nineteenth century their dependence on their African followings, coupled with increasing inter-marriage, greatly accentuated the African characteristics of the prazos. The most important of the prazo holders became the chiefs of newly emerging African peoples, and adopted the customs and beliefs associated with chieftainship. At the same time the disordered state of the Zambezi following the Ngoni invasions and the growth of the slave-trade eliminated the weaker families and concentrated power effectively in the hands of four major family groupings. The wars waged by the Portuguese government against these families lasted from the 1840s till teh end of the century. In spite of many victories, the internal feuds among the prazo families and the establishment of British administration in Central Africa brought about the end of their dominance. The prazos themselves survived into the twentieth century as units of fiscal and administrative policy.

i86 SEER, 84, I, 2006 within national borders for providing the material structure for the politics of migration. Yet, the relationship between migration and national identities might be more complex than they allow national identities might structure exclusionary attitudes, but exclusionary attitudes towards migrants may similarly limit the cultural appeal of national identities the failure of Hungary's 'dual citizenship' referendum in December 2004 might be a highly revealing example of this. Furthermore, the whole question of the re-making of Europeans' own mental maps of their continent and the role the politics of migration plays in this is an extremely fruitful area for future research. Department ofHistory M. D. PITTAWAY TheOpenUniversity Lankina,Tomila. Governing theLocals.LocalSe~f-Government andEthnic Mobilization in Russia.Rowman and Littlefield, Oxford, 2004. xvi + 233 pp. Notes. Tables. Maps. Bibliography.Index. ?57.??. TOMILA V. LANKINA's Governing the Locals:Local Sef-Government and Ethnic Mobilization inRussiais an investigationof the role of local sovietsin mobilizing around nationality issues, focusing on the case study republics of Adygeya, Bashkortostan,North Ossetia and Ingushetia.Butthe studyhasmuch broader and far-reaching implications, striking at the real core of the problems of democratization and civil society, and offering a critique of the overall institutionalstructureof governmentin the Russian Federation. Local soviets are, after all, ostensibly among the most democratic of institutions imaginable. The Soviet emphasis on the compulsory nature of participatorypolitics, once strippedof the stage-managingrole of the CPSU, had the potential to provide for genuine grassrootsinvolvement in both local issues and politics more broadly. To some extent, this potential was realized, according to Lankina'sstudy, in the period 1990-92. Even at the height of soviet activism,however, certainlimitationsare observable.On the one hand, local soviet deputieswere more awarethan most citizens of the disadvantages conferredby non-titularethnicity,and hence led theway in mobilizingaround ethnic issues. On the other hand, the dependence of local soviets, not least in the allocation of financial resources,on the higher up 'titular'authoritieshad a moderating effect and led to soviets distancing themselves from the more radicalwings of the non-titularnational movements. It is the absence of this moderating factor which, for Lankina, explains what she calls the 'deviant case' of North Ossetia the break-upof the Chechen-Ingushrepubliccut the Ingush-dominatedsovietsadriftfromanyconstrainingstatestructure,contributing to theiradoption of a more radicalstancewhich contributedto the interethnic violence of I992. The soviets operated against a background of complex institutional and personal arrangements.Public associations,in particularnon-titularnational movements (theUnion of Slavsin Adygeya, the TatarPublic Centre and Rus' in Bashkortostan),were able to use linksand influencein the sovietsnotjust to political advantage, but to gain access to key resources such as office space and the media. Soviet chairmen and deputies often had dual roles in their REVIEWS I87 official capacity, previous career, and membership or informal links with other bodies. The ability to dispense patronage in terms not just of finance, but in registration of associations, permits for demonstrations, provision of office space etc., tied non-governmental associations into local government perhaps too closely. Nevertheless, for this period of 1990-92 the local soviets appear to have been responsive to their constituencies as well as activist in initiatingcampaigns. This seems to have changed abruptly with the first round of President El'tsin'sreforms of local government. Measures often seen as decentralizing actuallykilledoff grassrootsdemocracy. The strengtheningof republicanand regional governments provided them with excessive powers over local administrations,with fullcentralrepublicancontrol of budgets and the ability to appoint an increasing number of local officials 'Heads of Administrations ' at the expense of elected officials.Leading activistsof the sovietsand national movements either gravitated to Moscow or pursued independent careers outside politics. Lankina is able to give examples of popular local officials successfullynegotiating these challenges and working well for their constituencies, but the overall picture is one in which only associations and individualswho had the approvalof the republicanauthoritieshad any chance of prospering. Local administrators'powers to license and provide premises meant that the number and activities of public associations declined drastically . Above all, this affected negatively the ability to mobilize the non-titular national minorities who perhaps had most to fear from the policies of nationalizingregimes. The first six chapters of this book are devoted to painstaking analysis of these...

This article examines the distinctive features of the image of Eastern (Rusyn) Galicia, as shaped by correspondents of the military journal «The Chronicle of the War of 1914–1917» in the pages of their periodical during the early years of World War I (1914–1915). This primordial, historical part of Russian civilization, forcibly «torn» from the Russian state in the second half of the 14th century, was presented in the pages of «The Chronicle...» as a region that, by the beginning of the Great War, had managed to maintain a close spiritual and historical connection with the Russian people and sought reunification with the Russian Empire. In their publications, the «The Chronicle...» correspondents also highlighted the fact that Eastern Galicia experienced over five centuries of socioeconomic, cultural, and religious oppression at the hands of the Austrians and Poles. During this period, a new East Slavic ethnic group, the Ruthenians, emerged on its territory, although they still considered themselves part of East Slavic civilization. Historical-genetic and historical-comparative research methods were used in writing this work. Historical imagology plays a special role in examining the image of Eastern Galicia and the mechanisms of its creation and maintenance. This approach involves a deep, comprehensive analysis of the specific historical causes and conditions of its emergence in the public and cultural consciousness of the Russian Empire in 1914–1915. The conclusion is that the periodical «The Chronicle of the War of 1914–1917» served as one of the tools for influencing the consciousness of the subjects of the Russian Empire during the First World War. This magazine contributed to the dissemination and popularization among its readers of the idea that Eastern Galicia is a historical region that, despite the deliberate external influence (Polonization and Catholicization) of the Polish and Austrian monarchies, retained its unique East Slavic identity, and therefore should be part of the Russian state.

POLISH LAW OF 12 FEBRUARY 2022 «ON ASSISTANCE TO UKRAINIAN CITIZENS IN CONNECTION WITH THE MILITARY CONFLICT ON THE TERRITORY OF THE STATE». PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS