دور منظمات حقوق الانسان في تمكين المرأة العراقية

The task of this paper is to study the role of international human rights organizations in response to the conflict taking place in eastern Ukraine. The study is based on recent reports from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the OSCE on Ukraine. The relevance of the stated topic is determined by the situation with human rights violations in the armed conflict in Ukraine and the significant role of international human rights organizations, making active efforts to resolve it. The purpose of this study is to determine the main aspects of the role that international organizations play in resolving this range of issues. This will help to identify potential opportunities to tackle the problem with human rights violations in the Ukrainian territories. The study combines quantitative and qualitative research of the entire spectrum of issues brought into the subject. The main results obtained are: analysis of the role and place of international human rights organizations in assessing the situation with the conflict in the Ukrainian territories and obtaining statistical information on the current status of human rights violations in these territories. The value of this paper lies in obtaining practical recommendations for finding ways to peacefully resolve the conflict in the East of Ukraine and implementing comprehensive measures to create conditions for the protection of human rights in this region

The execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the other environmental and human rights activists in Nigeria in November 1995, represented flagrant violations of human rights. What was exceptional about this case was that the uprising, which ultimately lead to the executions, was not primarily aimed at the Government, but rather at one of the large transnational corporations, Shell Oil. The article analyses the composition of the actors and the various human rights involved in this conflict. It argues that the complexity of the conflict is shown through the wide variety of environmental NGOs, human rights NGOs, international business and organisations that were implicated in it. The article points to the interrelatedness of various human rights - and the interlinkedness to environmental issues, claiming that environmental organisations were forced’ to use rights language, while human rights organisations needed to address environmental issues. And ultimately, the business actor has publicly stated intent to observe a human rights accountability.

The Pitfalls of International Human Rights Monitoring: Some Critical Remarks on the 1995 Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Report on Xenophobia in Germany Manfred H. Wiegandt (bio) The euphoria of the opening of the iron curtain in Germany in 1989 and the unification one year later of a country that had been divided since the end of World War II was just abating when the ugly face of xenophobia started to reappear in the country. Pictures of skinheads lashing out at “foreigners,” of shelters for asylum seekers beleaguered by neo-Nazis, and of burned down dwellings housing Turks did the rounds in the international media. Increasingly hostile attitudes and behavior towards foreigners, which occurred amidst a public debate on how to curb the influx of hundreds of [End Page 833] thousands of asylum seekers into Germany, alerted many observers who were concerned about the situation of foreigners in Germany. One of the human rights groups that reacted to the dramatic increase of violence against foreigners was Helsinki Watch, now called Human Rights Watch/Helsinki. In October 1992, Human Rights Watch/Helsinki issued its first report on xenophobic violence in Germany (1992 Report). 1 In April 1995, it released a more elaborate follow-up report on the subject (1995 Report). 2 One may suggest that the international reaction to Human Rights Watch/Helsinki’s allegations of a wave of violent xenophobia in Germany both alerted the public to problems in Germany and put pressure on the German federal and state governments to make changes after they had partly given the fatal impression of silently tolerating, ignoring or, at least, belittling the degree of violence against foreigners in the country. However, despite the beneficial effect of evaluations by Human Rights Watch/Helsinki and other groups, 3 the 1995 Report by Human Rights Watch/Helsinki gives rise to a critique of its approach to human rights monitoring—a critique that may, to some extent, be valid for other human rights groups that pursue a similar approach. There are some fundamental problems with the 1995 Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Report itself. In addition, one might voice some objections to the principles that Human Rights Watch/Helsinki voiced in its dealing with Germany, in particular its “hate speech” policy. The first critique concerns the introductory section of the 1995 Report. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki mentions that Germany has experienced widespread beatings and even killings of foreigners. 4 The 1995 Report states that “[i]t is clear that racist attacks and killings are not unique to Germany. Genocide has been committed in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. Many violent attacks against foreigners have occurred in France, England, Sweden, and other Western European democracies in the early 1990s.” 5 It might be just sloppy language that seems to insinuate that the xenophobic attacks in Germany fall under the same category as the genocides in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. However, it is unwise to start a serious human rights [End Page 834] investigation with an overdramatization of the situation. Strong words are warranted to attract the attention of the public to the serious human rights violations that have occurred in Germany, particularly because initially the authorities, as the 1992 Report concluded, 6 did not take the violations seriously. However, a comparison between the events in Germany and the genocides in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia is so out of proportion as to cast doubt on the lack of bias in the whole 1995 Report. The advantage of nongovernmental human rights organizations (human rights NGOs) is that they do not have to feel confined by “diplomatic” usages. Unlike intergovernmental human rights organizations, NGOs are able to speak out and arouse immediate international attention to a specific problem. However, this relative flexibility, which makes human rights NGOs a valuable supplement to “official” and often very inert international human rights organizations, should not be compromised for cheap showmanship. If NGOs in the human rights field were to act like the international media then they could spotlight some situations, but, in doing this they might not be taken seriously by the governments of the countries they were evaluating. It is this type of behavior that could give governments a valid reason not...

This study explores the manner in which leaders working in the domestic violence field in the US have or have not adopted a human rights framework and what impact this has had on domestic violence policy and intervention. Participants included leaders from national domestic violence and human rights organizations. These organizations are instrumental in developing policy and in framing the issues of domestic violence and human rights, many of which also work with specific racial and ethnic populations. Some of the primary research questions included: If the human rights discourse is being put to practical use within the US, how does it meet the needs of women of color, immigrants, and other women who have been marginalized? Does bringing the issue of domestic violence into a human rights framework reinscribe hegemonic feminism in ways that are either ineffectual or oppressive and colonizing to women of color, immigrants and/or women in marginalized groups in the US and if so, in what ways? Additional research objectives include assessing whether there is active resistance to adopting a human rights framework and benefits and challenges to using the framework. This research uses the critique and experiences of women of color as a focal point. Through the use of critical ethnography and autoethnography, this study examines the manner in which the power to frame and define social problems unfolds. Findings suggest a limited dialogue to date between national domestic violence and human rights organizations with a range of thoughts regarding potential benefits and barriers to reframing domestic violence as a human rights violation. Barriers include lack of resonance/U.S. exceptionalism, power of the State to direct funding and focus, and reluctance to shift status quo based in part in white privilege. Benefits of cross-organizational dialogue include expanding focus, building coalitions, and engaging diverse communities in addressing domestic violence issues. Intersectional issues related to gender, race/ethnicity, immigration, and sovereignty are also explored. This research suggests that social workers need to continue to critically assess the application of human rights to social justice issues and the role that privilege plays in social movements and social policy formation.

In Ukraine, starting from February 2022, every day servicemen of the Russian army commit crimes that are a direct violation of international humanitarian law, not only on the front line, but also in the depths of the country, in the central and western regions. The author of the article analyzes the procedure for pre-trial investigation of international criminal crimes and the role of non-governmental public human rights organizations in this process. In addition, the new functions assigned to NGOs as separate non-governmental human rights organizations that have been operating on the territory of Ukraine since the beginning of the full-scale invasion were considered. The legal mechanisms for the involvement of NGOs in the collection of evidence on the ground, as well as the possibility of taking into account the collected information by international justice bodies, were studied. Specific examples and initiatives of the public sector, within the scope of the issue being studied, are given, and the functions, competences, and opportunities for increasing the effectiveness of NGO activity in the conditions of war are defined.
 It was concluded that non-governmental organizations, including human rights organizations, during the war in Ukraine discovered new areas of work and expanded the possibility of cooperation with state bodies. In turn, law enforcement agencies have provided access to limited information for the NGOs themselves by internal orders, which together increases the effectiveness of the pre-trial investigation of committed crimes. Thanks to this, feedback has been established. Special attention should be paid to the work of foreign NGOs and volunteers, which contributes to the recording of war crimes and crimes against humanity, which current Ukrainian refugees witnessed or became victims of.
 It was concluded that the main areas of evidence-gathering NGO activity are the following: 1) dissemination of information in the mass media about the condition of refugees who suffered as a result of the crimes of the Russian military, documenting the stories of witnesses of such offenses. In particular, the facts of torture and sexual violence (from the testimonies of refugees from Ukraine) were reported by the mass media in many European countries and beyond; 2) provision of advisory assistance regarding high-quality recording of episodes of criminal acts in order to recognize such evidence as appropriate; 3) peaceful gatherings and protests of public organizations, the active public against Russia’s war crimes in Ukraine, which, of course, is of great importance for the international community to recognize their severity and massiveness.
 It was concluded that the wide international recognition of the war crimes of the Russian Federation creates opportunities for the successful initiation of the International Tribunal or other judicial formats (such as the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chamber) to bring the perpetrators to justice. All international actors collect evidence according to the clear requirements and standards of the International Criminal Court, and subsequently either transfer it to it or accumulate it in the prosecutor’s offices of certain countries for further referral to a designated responsible judicial body.

Scholarly writings on internationally constituted commissions of inquiry (COIs), as outlined in the introduction to this symposium, give inadequate attention to the effects that they might have on local disputes that these bodies are often created to address. The United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict (2009), popularly known as the Goldstone Commission, had unintended and unforeseen consequences at the domestic level. Specifically, the Commission caused a severe backlash against human rights organizations in Israel (IsHROs). This article analyses the backlash against the Commission and the effect of that backlash on human rights organizations and human rights advocacy in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory in the first few years after the release of the Goldstone report. This case study reveals how a government can use a COI intervention in an ongoing conflict to deflect criticism against it and to delegitimize local human rights organizations and, as a result, to intensify enemy–friend dynamics within a conflict. The findings of this case study thus challenge the assumption of much of the socio-legal literature that the interaction of international human rights institutions with domestic actors leads to positive human rights change. But the case study also adds a new dimension to the academic and policy literature that has been critical of the international human rights enterprise in recent years. Despite delegitimization campaigns, international funding has increased for many IsHROs, and, eventually, some groups have become even more visible and have enjoyed, internationally, a higher reputation and greater credibility. The Commission’s experience thus demonstrates that the establishment of COIs in deeply divided conflict societies can have negative, as well as positive, implications on human rights.

Human Rights and Reform: Changing the Face of North African Politics, by Susan E. Waltz. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995. xiv + 237 pages. Notes to p. 269. Index to p. 281. $45 cloth; $16 paper. Reviewed by Maryam Elahi The human rights movement in the Maghrib has had significant impact in influencing public debate and bringing discussions on democratization and political reform to the forefront of Maghribi political society. With this book, Susan Waltz has succeeded in examining the role played by the Maghribi human rights movement in integrating the notion of civil and political rights in modem Tunisian, Algerian, and Moroccan political culture. I highly recommend Human Rights and Reform to anyone interested in North African contemporary history and politics. It examines the struggle of human rights activists and the cultural and political impediments that challenge them. This book discusses the development of modern state structures in Maghribi societies. One cannot get a sense of contemporary North African politics without understanding the role of the human rights movement-of whom it consists, what it strives for, and its undeniable influence over the substance of political discourse in the region. The author also discusses the impact that the international community has had in influencing the public debates and political measures, in some cases merely cosmetic, on human rights. In addition, these external forces, be they human rights organizations or the US Congress, have bestowed credibility and thereby protection to the domestic human rights organizations. Unlike other regions in the world where the human rights activists come from labor, indigenous movements, or political parties, the movement in the Maghrib was dominated initially by professionals: academics, doctors, and lawyers. Thus, being part of the professional elite, they had easier access to the political apparatus and developed a somewhat confusing rapport with the government, which at times they respectfully challenged and at other times they threatened. The birth of human rights organizations in each of the three countries has its own specific stories. In Tunisia, the Tunisian League for Human Rights was formally recognized by the government in 1977. Its original leadership chose individuals who had a reputation for being politically independent to head the organization and its executive committee. The League immediately proved itself to be a serious human rights group by organizing a commission of inquiry to look into detainees' situations and by sending observers to attend political trials. …

All humans have human rights not because of gifts given to them by society or based on applicable positive law, but because they are human beings. Human rights violations if committed by anyone will be reciprocated by anyone whose rights are taken. As is happening now, human rights violations committed by the state of Israel against Palestine are a form of taking away other people’s rights, especially the right to life and live in safety. Actions such as blockades, evictions, restrictions on mobility, and armed attacks have raised serious concerns from the international community regarding violations of international humanitarian law. This study uses a descriptive-analytical approach to evaluate the extent to which these security policies exceed the principles of civilian protection. It obtains a conclusion that security concepts is often used in defense of act that are against international norms and agreements after analyzing government reports, data from human rights organizations, and UN resolutions. These findings point the value of achieving a balance between state objectives and human rights protection as part of a sustainable security policy in the context of strategic security studies.

The United Nations treaty body system, at present, suffers from at least two significant, systemic shortcomings: it fragments what ought to be interrelated and indivisible rights across different conventions and monitoring committees, and it has no power to implement recommendations against rights-violating states. These flaws have immediate and profound implications for human rights organizations, which, by strategic necessity, are required to file multiple, unique submissions, across multiple treaty bodies, in the hopes of raising awareness and generating change on a single, discrete instance of rights violation. To highlight the extent of this problem, this article focuses on a recent, emblematic case: Validity International’s campaign to expose appalling human rights violations against the residents of Topház Special Home in Hungary, which saw this single issue presented at least seven times before three treaty bodies over a seven-year period. The Topház case further serves as the basis for identifying lessons in effective treaty body advocacy for human rights organizations operating within this fractured system, and for discussing how the United Nations as an institution may resolve this problem through the creation of an integrated treaty body system.

This study examines the challenges and progress of human rights and legal reforms in Indonesia, focusing on the country’s evolving legal framework and its alignment with international human rights standards. Using a qualitative research methodology and a literature review approach, the study analyzes various legal reforms initiated since the fall of the authoritarian regime in 1998. It highlights key developments in areas such as freedom of speech, minority rights, and judicial independence, while also addressing ongoing challenges related to law enforcement, corruption, and discrimination against marginalized groups. The research draws upon academic sources, governmental reports, and international human rights organizations to assess the effectiveness of Indonesia’s legal reforms and their impact on protecting human rights. Findings indicate that although significant progress has been made, particularly in legal transparency and democratic governance, Indonesia still faces substantial hurdles in fully realizing its human rights commitments. Issues such as impunity for past human rights violations, restrictions on freedom of expression, and the lack of comprehensive legal protection for vulnerable populations persist. The study concludes that while Indonesia has made commendable strides in legal reforms, further efforts are required to ensure consistent and equitable enforcement of human rights laws across all sectors of society. Recommendations include strengthening legal institutions, enhancing public awareness of human rights, and aligning national laws more closely with international treaties.

Przedmiot badań: Nepal jest przykładem kraju, w którym istnieje aparat prawny z narzędziami w postaci przepisów z zakresu ochrony praw człowieka oraz organami kontroli tych praw, a mimo to ich przestrzeganie pozostaje sporym wyzwaniem. Zaś przyczyny tego stanu rzeczy nie były jak dotąd dostatecznie eksplorowane. Cel badawczy: Celem tego artykułu jest zidentyfikowanie przyczyn słabości ochrony praw czło­wieka w Nepalu. Metoda badawcza: Dane zostały pozyskane dzięki zastosowaniu takich metod i technik, jak studia literaturowe, analiza treści oraz wywiady eksperckie i pogłębione, przeprowadzone w Ne­palu z prawnikami specjalizującymi się w prawach człowieka, pracownikami organizacji poza­rządowych działających na rzecz praw człowieka oraz prominentnymi aktywistami na tym polu, podczas badań terenowych m.in. w ramach grantu na badania naukowe. Wyniki: Przeprowadzone badania zaowocowały następującymi wnioskami. Powodem, dla które­go istnienie odpowiedniego aparatu prawnego, narzędzi w postaci przepisów i organów kontroli nie gwarantuje przestrzegania praw człowieka jest fakt, iż w zbiorowej świadomości Nepalczy­ków lokalne wartości, normy kulturowe, tradycje, nakazy religijne oraz obyczaje, wiele z nich będących w sprzeczności z prawami człowieka, pozostają nadrzędne wobec tychże praw. Patriarchalne wartości i zwyczaje zakorzenione w hinduizmie uniemożliwiają kobietom egze­kwowanie przysługujących im praw, zaś tradycje i przekonania sprzed kilku tysięcy lat nadal wy­kluczają całe grupy społeczne, odmawiając im prawa do godności i pełnego uczestnictwa w życiu publicznym. Zaś brak woli politycznej i niesprawne instytucje dodatkowo utrudniają przestrzega­nie praw człowieka w tym kraju.1 Wśród rekomendacji co do sposobów zwiększenia ochrony praw człowieka w Nepalu znajdują się m.in.: zwiększenie świadomości urzędników w zakresie obowiązujących praw, zwiększenie zatrudnienia kobiet w administracji państwowej, zwiększenie reprezentacji w życiu publicznym członków wszystkich kast i grup etnicznych czy wspieranie aktywistów walczących przeciwko łamaniu praw człowieka.

This study aimed to identify the role of Palestinian human rights organizations in protecting civil and political rights, by studying the efforts made by these organizations to reach their goals. The qualitative approach was adopted to carry out the study, and the interview was used as a tool for gathering information. A sample consisting of seven human rights organizations was selected, and eleven interviews were conducted with some of those working at these institutions. The results of the study revealed that human rights organizations contribute to right to life protection by (56%), Right to Physical Integrity by (53%) Right to Freedom of Expression (45%), Right to a Fair Trial by (70%), in the Israeli violations part: they contribute to Israeli violations reduction by (66%). Based on the findings, the researcher recommended the need to join efforts to improve the human rights situation, by solving the problems that the Palestinian political system suffers from and by working to unify the national vision in order to confront and end the occupation. هدفت هذه الدراسة إلى التعرف على دور منظمات حقوق الإنسان الفلسطينية في حماية الحقوق المدنية والسياسية، من خلال دراسة الجهود التي تبذلها هذه المنظمات للوصول لأهدافها، حيث اتبعت الدراسة المنهج الكيفي لإجراء الدراسة، واستُخدمت المقابلة كطريقة للحصول على المعلومات فتم اختيار عينة مكونة من سبعة مؤسسات حقوقية وأجريت أحد عشر مقابلة مع بعض المدراء والعاملين في هذه المؤسسات. وتوصلت الدراسة إلى جملة من النتائج أهمها: كشفت نتائج الدراسة أن منظمات حقوق الإنسان تسهم في حماية الحق بالحياة بنسبة (56%)، والحق في السلامة الجسدية (53%)، والحق في التعبير عن الرأي (45%)، أما الحق بمحاكمة عادلة (70%).وفي قسم الانتهاكات الإسرائيلية: تساهم في الحد من الانتهاكات الإسرائيلية بنسبة (66%) وعلى ضوء النتائج أوصت الدراسة بضرورة تكاتف الجهود الرسمية والمدنية للارتقاء بحالة حقوق الإنسان، وذلك من خلال حل الإشكاليات التي يعاني منها النظام السياسي الفلسطيني، ومن خلال العمل على توحيد الرؤية الوطنية بهدف مواجهة الاحتلال وانهائه.

Technological developments in recent years have significantly improved the capacity of human rights advocates to monitor and document abuses of authority, including violations of human rights at home and in remote isolated regions of the world. Recognizing the need for a platform from which scientists and scientific Societies might speak with a common voice to promote human rights protect the professional and personal interests of threatened colleagues, cooperate with human rights organizations, and press for the practical implementation of the right of all persons to the benefits of scientific progress and its applications, the AAAS Science and Human Rights Coalition was launched in 2008. Operating through the Panel on Public Policy, the ASA accepted an invitation to participate as an affiliate member of the Coalition, and the purpose of the Special Session is to introduce the membership at large to the principles and goals of the organization and to offer insight into the mechanism of operation and cooperation through which an effective interface between the scientific and human rights communities might be developed.

This article introduces critical and actionable migration research as an approach for scholars seeking to mobilize their epistemic resources to resist migration laws and policies that violate human rights principles in the short and medium term. While academia is increasingly shaped by a neoliberal “impact agenda,” violence at physical and administrative borders, as well human rights violations continue to intensify - raising questions about the potential role of academic knowledge in resisting these dynamics. Using ideal types as simplified analytical constructs, the article suggests that the limited transformative potential of academic knowledge stems from a persistant dichotomy: applied research is often not critical and critical research is often not actionable. Overcoming this dichotomy, critical and actionable migration research advances structural transformations and reframes while simultaneously remaining actionable for state actors in the short and medium term. As such, critical and actionable migration research is not applied research, nor devoid of theoretical considerations. Using the metaphor of smuggling, this article asks how migration researchers can reclaim the meaning of “impact” so that it contains the grains of critique that resist border violence and human rights violations in the short and medium term. The article’s answer is based on autobiographical explorations of what it means for an anthropologist to produce knowledge on migration from within law faculties and as policy officer and research consultant for human and refugee rights organizations. Based on this material, the article argues that “impact” is nothing to be “done” once the research is completed. To engage in critical and actionable migration research, scholars should instead theorize transformative knowledge encounters between academics and practitioners as integral parts of the research design. After a discussion of the autobiographical data and a conceptual discussion of transformative knowledge encounters, the article highlights three specific research design principles for critical and actionable migration research: (1) building innovative knowledge alliances, (2) theorizing knowledge needs, and (3) brokering the validity of truth claims.

İnsan hakları alanında sosyal hareketlerden ve taban örgütlerinden barolara, iş derneklerine ve gayriresmî iletişim ağlarına kadar uzanan çeşitli aktörler bulunmaktadır. İnsan hakları alanında en etkin aktörlerden biri olan sivil toplum kuruluşları (STK) hem ulusal hem de uluslararası düzeylerde insan haklarının tesisi, korunması ve geliştirilmesi için dünya çapında çeşitli işlevler görmektedir. Bu çalışma, insan hakları temelli STK’lar üzerinden, Türkiye’deki sivil toplum faaliyetlerinin ve mobilizasyon stratejilerinin sistematik bir incelemesini yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Glasius’un sınıflandırmasından yararlan bu çalışmada, Türkiye’deki STK’ların, insan hakları gözlemcisi ve norm-dönüştürücü olarak seslerini duyurabilseler dahi, kanun yapıcı aktörler olarak bu hakların tesisinde ve korunmasında yetersiz kaldıkları savunulmaktadır. İnsan hakları STK’ları izlemede isim zikretme ve utandırma ve yargısal savunuculuk stratejilerini kullanırken, norm dönüşümünde çerçevelemeyi, kanun yapımında ise savunuculuk stratejileri yaygın olarak kullanılmaktadır. Bu çalışma, içerik analiz yöntemini kullanarak STK’ların belgelerine odaklanmakta ve Türkiye’deki insan hakları ve sivil toplum ilişkisini inceleyerek akademik tartışmalara katkı sunmaktadır.