Микеланджело-воспитатель: особенности творческой индивидуальности и система преподавания

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the traditional periodization of European music 1700 and 1975——late Baroque; Classical; Romantic; modern——seems increasingly problematic. In place of the outmoded concept of Classical Style for Viennese music before and after 1800, I suggest First Viennese Modernism. The argument comprises three stages: 1. A survey of music-historical periodizations of the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, together with comments on the current status of periodistic thinking in musicology in general. It is argued that with respect to European music as a whole, the older sense of Baroque lasting until ca. 1750 is untenable; it is better to understand a distinct period ca. 1720-80, centering around the Enlightenment, the galant, the international system of Italian opera, and (toward the end) the cult of sensibility. The consequence is that the years before and after 1800 must be understood as a period in their own right. 2. An interpretation of Viennese music during those years as an emphatic modernism. Its continuities with later nineteenth-century music are stressed. Each term in the concept First Viennese Modernism is critical: First, to distinguish it from the Schoenberg school; Viennese, to distinguish its modest and local origins from its later dominance of the entire European continent; and modernism, on four grounds: (a) its contemporary reception; (b) its status as the earliest repertory to have been cultivated unbroken from its own time to ours; (c) its status as the first autonomous (not primarily mimetic) instrumental music and as the earliest self-problematizing music; (d) its participation in the creation of modern (post-revolutionary) history, by means of what is (synecdochically) interpreted as Haydn9s sublime, in the Kantian sense. 3. A brief account of the crucial role of the 1790s in these developments, focusing on the complementary achievements of Haydn and Beethoven. For Beethoven, Haydn9s and Mozart9s music was, precisely, modern. Together, he and Haydn dominated the Viennese scene, producing ever-more-imposing masterworks in every genre except opera. This explicitly modernist orientation was fostered, if not indeed in part created, by their patrons. After 1800 Beethoven maintained and further developed this same tradition. These years between Enlightenment and Romanticism were no mere transition; they constituted an equally weighty phase, on the same historical-structural level, as those that preceded and followed it. Concomitantly, Romanticism as such did not become predominant in music until 1815, in Viennese music (except for the Lied) perhaps not even until 1828/30. For both reasons, it makes sense to regard the beginning of the music-historical nineteenth century as having been delayed, until around 1815 or 1830.

Teaching as Collective Work: What are the Needs of Novice Teachers?

The purpose of this work is the history of the creation of the unique “golden ruby”, ruby glass colored with gold nanoparticles in various shades of pink, red, crimson and purple, the recipe of which was kept in the strictest confidence for centuries. The oldest piece of ruby glass is considered to be the Lycurgus Cup, located in the British Museum, presumably created in the 4th century AD, associated with the Alexandrian culture. It is surprising that in the early 1820s of the 19th century in Chișinău it was possible to purchase objects made from this precious glass. It is known that A.S. Pushkin in 1822, bought a ruby glass travel set at the Ilyinsky Bazaar, consisting of a tray, a decanter and four glasses, and treasured it as a memory of Chișinău. In 1828, Alexander Sergeevich presented this set to his older sister Olga on her wedding day, filling the decanter with his favorite Moldavian Madeira wine, diluted with water, as the Greeks did. The set was miraculously partially preserved and is now located in St. Petersburg, in the poet’s last Apartment-Museum on Moika Embankment, 12. In memory of the poet in the exhibition of the A.S. House Museum А.S. Pushkin in Chișinău presented a set of ruby glass, but for spices, consisting of four items: a salt shaker, a pepper shaker, a vinegar shaker, dating back to the beginning of the 19th century, which is of historical and literary value.

For researchers, surface electromyography (EMG) seems a seductive technology because it provides a non-invasive means to acquire in-vivo data about physiological processes that cause muscles to produce movement. It captures muscle activity during any movement of a body by measuring seizure potentials released by the muscles when they are activated. Consequently, measured potentials are typically used to fractionate a body’s response process as well as get timing of neural control and coordination among muscle groups. Such analyses permit assessments of technical skills which, in turn, provide foundational information for biofeedback training and development of new pedagogical methods. Consequently, in high-skill activities such as those of the performing arts, EMG would appear to have significant relevance in terms of skill optimization and learning. On the surface, it is apparent that arts performance shares many characteristics, including health risks, with an area where EMG research has already had a significant disciplinary impact – sports (Chesky, et al., 2002; Lehmann & Davidson, 2002; Wilson, 1986). Pedagogy and training in both sports and performance arts aim to develop physical skills efficiently while avoiding injury for participants. While EMG applications in human sports movements have been an acknowledged aid in improving sport performance for decades (e.g. the Journal of Electromyography and Kinesiology has a 21-year history in this regard), applications in arts performances are still rare. Further, a review of the literature shows that, EMG applications in the arts tend to fall into only three broad categories: skill analysis descriptions and establishment of norms, training method evaluations, biofeedback in both pedagogy and injury remediation (Kjelland, 2000). This book chapter details selected examples where EMG technology is used in applications pertinent to arts performance. Since almost all EMG studies rely upon initial skill analysis and description in order to establish norms, research in the performance arts is often a multi-stage process. Exemplars for purposes of discussion will be drawn from instrumental and vocal performance, as well as ballet. The goals of the selected research focus on: 1) describing the activity of selected muscles, 2) identifying innate abilities or talents, 3) quantifying the efficiency and effectiveness of pedagogical methods, 4) diagnosing technical difficulties, or 5) determining loading intensity during performance and evaluating factors related to pain and injury. Given the small body of existing EMG studies in the arts, the examples below are mainly chosen to elaborate the potential and relevance of EMG research in the performing arts as well as to encourage more research in the area.

The article considers the issue of the principles of realization of physical therapy of students from the point of view of neurosciences. The article notes that modern higher education is characterized by the appearance of a new medical specialty "Physical therapy, Ergotherapy". The emphasis is made on the fact that the Ukrainian society badly needed such specialists. The essence of such concepts: "higher education", "specialist", "vocational training", "physical therapy", "Ergotherapy", "rehabilitation therapist", "neuropedagogy", "neuropsychology" is considered. It is noted that physiotherapists from Japan played an important role in assisting athletes during the 2020 Olympic Games. Since 2007, the Ukrainian Association for Physical Therapy has been organized in Ukraine. It is proved that the first appearance of the profession, which is associated with physiotherapy exercises, dates back to the beginning of the XX century. It is noted that the government document gives the right to be in training persons who have special educational problems. A review of articles by domestic and foreign authors on the use of physical therapy to improve human health is made. The main aspects of training a future specialist in physical therapy are disclosed. It is noted that university teachers should think about a modern approach when teaching subjects. The professional training of future specialists in physical therapy to work on improving the health of athletes has been studied in detail. Structural components that should be taken into account by future specialists are noted. The interactive methods and forms of work that are integral to teaching students are named. It is noted that future specialists should have not only knowledge of physical culture, but also pedagogical, psychological and physiological methods of work. In addition, it was noted that for rehabilitation therapists it is important knowledge of intersubject relationships. The active-operational component of the professional activity of students has been investigated. In addition, it is noted that the physiotherapist should be professional in the selection of exercises for remedial gymnastic. Since it was found that the neuropsychological overload of students requires physical therapy.

According to modern research, the problems of developing creativity and creating a creative learning environment (CLE) are multidimensional phenomena, and are considered in combination with different pedagogical approaches. The purpose of the study was to analyze pedagogical approaches to the creation of CLE aimed at developing the creativity of younger schoolchildren. The article presents the results of a scientific review and theoretical analysis of pedagogical approaches and methods of creating a CLE. Based on the provisions of the system approach, the structure of the CLE is determined: a favorable atmosphere that stimulates the creative activity of students; fund of problematic tasks that contribute to the freedom of action of participants; the personality of the teacher who stimulates and directs the process; various types of activities, contributing to a creative approach to solving educational tasks. The provisions of pedagogical approaches (Systemic, Activity-based, Personality-oriented, Environmental) aimed at the development of creativity are substantiated. The theoretical significance of the study: the analysis of approaches to the development of creativity in the CLE is carried out; an addition to the traditional pedagogical approaches is proposed to their content, aimed at the development of creativity (methods and technologies). We associate the prospects for further research with the development of a model of a CLE aimed at developing students' creativity.

IntroductionAs it survives in the extant manuscripts, the Old English translation of Bede's Historia ecclesiastica (OEB) displays a mixture of Anglian and West Saxon spellings and morphological forms. Furthermore, Anglian dialect words appear, and are admixed with corresponding common Old English (cOE) or West Saxon synonyms.1 Two kinds of explanation for this dialect heterogeneity have been proposed. One is that the work was composed in Anglian or, more specifically, Mercian dialect (probably in the late ninth century), and that subsequendy it was West-Saxonized progressively by copyists who were themselves West Saxon, or trained in the West Saxon writing systems dominant in England in the tenth and eleventh centuries.2 The second is that the work involved dialect admixture from the outset, because (so it was thought) it was the product of collaboration between Mercian and West Saxon scholars at King Alfred's court.3 Although the former explanation has been generally preferred, some recent studies of dialect admixture and 'dialect accommodation'4 in texts emanating from Alfred's programme of scholarly activity, or transmitted as a result of it, invite reconsideration of the problem, and the question of whether the work began its life as a purely Mercian text or as a mixed one deserves to be revisited.5One aspect of dialect in the OEB that has not been explored is the way that some Anglian dialect words appear in systematic distribution with cOE synonyms within particular semantic fields. This phenomenon arises out of the writer's distinctive method of close translation, and the deliberate strategies of lexical and stylistic control that he exercised. In this article I focus upon selected examples, including the vocabulary of death and dying, as a case study of how understanding of the dialect vocabulary of the OEB and its putative Mercian archetype can be extended. By comparing sets of synonyms - including dialectwords like leoran 'to go, depart, die' - with the Latin terms that they translate, I seek to demonstrate that the lexical systems identifiable within the text have important implications for reconstructing the hypothetical archetype, and also for understanding the varied ways in which West Saxon scribes undertook modifications of the text. I believe that the evidence reinforces the probability that the archetype was originally written in Mercian dialect. Furthermore, my analysis indicates how and why the oldest manuscript (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Tanner io) can be confirmed as the 'best' upon which to base a critical edition because of its more faithful conservation of Mercian dialect vocabulary, even though it was probably copied within the sphere of West Saxon influence.Date and origin of the translationThere has been general if cautious agreement that King Alfred probably commissioned the OEB as part of his programme of educational reform involving the translation of those books which were 'niedbeoearfosta ... eallum monnum to wiotonne' ('most necessary for all people to know'), as he put it in his prefatory letter attached to the Pastoral Care (CP).6 A single leaf (London, BL, Cotton MS Domitian ix, fol. 11) containing three brief extracts from the text, and datable to the beginning of the tenth century, provides the earliest physical evidence for the existence of the text, and limited internal evidence only points to the same date.7 Firm evidence for the production of the OEB a decade or two earlier as a part of Alfred's programme is lacking. At the end of the tenth century AElfric claimed that Alfred himself translated Bede, and William of Malmesbury assumed the same in the twelfth century.8 Nevertheless, modern scholarship established early that Alfred's personal authorship was improbable on stylistic and linguistic grounds.9 The text differs markedly from his acknowledged works, CP, Boethius, Soliloquies, and Prose Psalms of the Paris Psalter}0 This does not rule out some kind of Alfredian connection, and indeed, both in translation style and in its Mercian dialect features the OEB resembles the translation of Gregory's Dialogues (GD), which Alfred commissioned Bishop Waerferth of Worcester to undertake. …

The article considers the methods of activating the educational and cognitive activities of future specialists in physical culture and sports professionally competent activities in the fitness industry. It is noted that purposefully organized professional training of future specialists in physical culture and sports promotes the development of cognitive activity, independence, creative activity of productive thinking of applicants for higher education, in great demand in a developed industrial society. The purpose of the study was to substantiate the intensification of educational and cognitive activities of future specialists in physical culture and sports in professionally competent activities in the fitness industry. Material and methods: analysis and generalization of data from scientific and methodological literature, retrospective of own experience. Results of the research. Educational and cognitive activities of students are various types of collective and individual work in the classroom and outside the classroom. Educational activities include: creating projects, conducting trainings, business games, educational discussions, round tables, creating fitness programs and other activities. tasks of activation of educational and cognitive activity at the expense of introduction of innovative educational technologies: formation of cognitive enthusiasm, motivation to training; formation of skills to work with information presented in different types (text, drawing, diagram, symbolic record, model, table, diagram); formation of skills of independent cognitive activity; formation of skills of independent individual and collective work: mutual control and self-checking, discussion of information, planning of cognitive activity and self-assessment. Conclusions. Intensification of educational and cognitive activities of future specialists in physical culture and sports to professional activities in the fitness industry will be more effective through the introduction of innovative educational technologies such as trainings, business games, educational discussions, round tables, Case-Study, Workshop, professional consultations , creation of fitness programs and other activities.

The Abbott curve — well known in metrology but not on technical drawings

The article deals with the problem of the translation of the Russian national literary canon to foreign-language cultural environment: representation of the Russian landscape lyric poetry by the example of F. I. Tyutchev’s and A. A. Fet’s works in the German anthologies of the second half of the XX - the beginning of the XXI century. On the basis of the analysis of works in collections of poems, the author reveals the main features of the anthological reception of F. I. Tyutchev and A. A. Fet, which is conditioned by the German publishers’ specific motivation through the lenses of imagological perception, the shift of emphasis from landscape lyric poetry to philosophical one and significant translation transformations.

This article is devoted to the creative biography of the largest Russian-Estonian architect at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries A. Poleshchuk and retrospectivism in Russian church architecture at the beginning of the twentieth century, which was his main creative method. The works and biography of the great master are still poorly studied, scientific publications are practically not devoted to him. At the same time, being a pupil of the St Petersburg Academy of Arts, the architect was awarded the title of architecture academic, the position of professor, proved himself in the capital as the author of such monumental structures as the Geological Committee and the Church of St Isidor with the house of the St Petersburg Orthodox Estonian brotherhood. He owns the project of the most monumental Orthodox church in the Baltics of the twentieth century — the Assumption Cathedral of the Pyukhtitsa Monastery, where he worked from his student years under the guidance of his teacher prof. M. Preobrazhensky. A native of Estonia and an Estonian himself on the maternal side, the architect made an invaluable contribution to the formation of a professional architectural school in the country. He was the chairman of the Estland Engineering Society and the Estland Technical Society in Petrograd, then was actively involved in teaching in Tallinn as professor of architecture at Tallinn Polytechnic College and chief architect and educational adviser to the Construction Board. A. Poleshchuk is known as an architectural theorist, a specialist in the theory of vaults, the author of the fundamental courses “Lectures on the art of building” in 10 volumes, and a two-volume guide to bridge construction. The article examines in detail the main milestones in the creative path of A. Poleshchuk in the context of the history of architecture at the beginning of the 20th century, mainly, church retrospectivism. The features of his work, diverse in typology and stylistics (Russian style, neoclassicism, neo-Renaissance, neo-baroque), are analyzed. In conclusion, a stylistic classification of the retrospective directions of church architecture of the late 19th — early 20th centuries with examples of relevant monuments is proposed. The article is based both on little-known published materials and, mainly, on newly discovered archival documents from the depositories of St Petersburg, Tartu, Tallinn.

The national economic mentality, which was formed over the centuries under the influence of various factors, determines the nature of the nation's socio-economic rules and their enforcement mechanisms, which, in turn, determine the formation of the historical trajectory of the nation's economic development. The formation of our national economic thinking is primarily due to a combination of historical-political and natural-geographical factors, under the influence of which our people had to live practically in survival mode for centuries. Households robbed as a result of constant enemy invasions or frequent internal conflicts, lack of land suitable for plowing and sowing, low and unstable yield - it is the long-term effect of these circumstances that is the echo of the established need in our society for a powerful mechanism of equal distribution in the country; To a large extent, the result of the influence of these events is that the level of paternalistic attitude towards the government is still quite high in our country; Due to the historically weak relationship between individual work and well-being, belief in the inevitability of fate was established in Georgian society and the idea of the possibility of living without work was established. The above-mentioned national-mental peculiarities are absolutely incompatible with the effective functioning of market mechanisms dependent on the individual initiative of people, therefore these peculiarities of Georgian economic thinking should be considered as important circumstances hindering the development of the country's economic processes. Orthodox ethics is another important factor influencing the formation of Georgian economic culture. Due to the fact that Christian doctrine does not consider material well-being as a source of human happiness, a kind of negative attitude towards the possession of property has firmly taken hold in Georgian society (we can connect the deepening of this attitude to another important factor determining modern Georgian economic behavior - the result of the influence of the ultra-socialist ideology characteristic of the Soviet era). It should also be noted here that the result of the centuries-old Christian preaching is the heightened sense of collective (family, group) responsibility and care for the poor and needy in our society. It is possible that such "non-market" nature of Georgian economic thinking will slow down the process of improving the nation's material well-being to some extent, but from the point of view of farming, it would probably be wrong to refer to this mental peculiarity only in a negative context - there is no doubt that collectivism also carries a positive charge for economic development; It is not controversial that the stable growth of the economy is determined by the reasonable distribution of national income. Another factor that did not go unnoticed in the process of forming our economic mentality is that at the beginning of the 20th century, as a result of the socialist revolution, the country was practically deprived of the means of natural evolution: capitalism did not manage to establish strong habits of work (and entrepreneurship) in Georgia, to work (and entrepreneurship) to establish the necessary positive attitudes in the psyche of the members of the society. The distribution equalization principle introduced as a result of the October Revolution has completely distorted people's economic thinking and instilled in a significant part of society such a mood that the volume-quality of work (activity) has no direct, determining importance for the level of satisfaction of human (personal) needs. The above-described brief historical retrospective of the formation of the Georgian economic mentality allows us to highlight the main values that our modern economic outlook is based on: state paternalism, traditionalism and collectivism. The evaluation of the influence of the above-mentioned triad on the development of our country and people is mixed: the value system based on the principles of mutual aid, solidarity, responsibility to society, loyalty to traditions and ideals, on the one hand, contributed to the strengthening of collective security in the country, alleviating the condition of the socially disadvantaged, maintaining a low level of crime, educating the masses distribution, development of science and culture or socially important (public purpose) creation of material and (especially) spiritual goods, while, on the other hand, limited private initiative, labor (entrepreneurial) motivation and competition, individual democratic rights, etc., which undoubtedly had a negative impact on the well-being of our population. The above-described moods, which are of decisive importance for economic behavior, are so firmly established (implemented) in the consciousness of our society that it is practically impossible to abstract from these moods to objectively study the vector development problems of the modern Georgian economy. Unfortunately, it should be noted that even the scientific studies of the most important issue of the differentiation of Georgian and European socio-economic institutions are often conducted in complete ignorance of the specific thinking of the Georgian ethnos at a time when the source of the mentioned differences should be sought in the mental value system. It should be said here that the Georgian economic outlook is more suitable to the Eastern one, but this circumstance should not be perceived as if the Western institutional matrix is fundamentally unacceptable to our society. The Georgian ethnos has a unique historical experience of equal openness to different socio-cultural spaces and receiving the benefits from these relations, which we must successfully use even today.

This article aims to examine the changes in concept, development and practices of community art in the Western culture from the end of 20th century to the beginning of 21st century, and based on theory of dialogical aesthetics by Grant H. Kester as well as using methodical examples of practicing artists, such as Jeanne van Heeswijk and the cultural association “Artway of Thinking“ (Stefania Mantovani and Federica Thiene), evaluate cases of community art projects taking place in Lithuania, especially focusing on the initiatives of the creative project “Friendly Zone“. The notion of Grant H. Kester“™s dialogical aesthetics as a dialogue-based socially-engaged creative practice helps to reveal forms and directions of socially-engaged art practices which are relevant today. Examining the project “Friendly Zone“, which takes part in S anciai (district of Kaunas, Lithuania), we can see a clear example of creative practice based on dialogical aesthetics with an ethical access to local inhabitants and their concerns. By working together with well-known community and socially-engaged art experts, Vita Gelūnienė and Edmund Carroll aim to apply methods of dialogical creativity: co-creative diagram of ““Artway of Thinking“ displays four stages of activities. It starts with self-recognition and placement of each member of the team as well as naming their functions in collective practice. Later, the context (place) is explored and monitored. Then, ideas are generated and implemented, the results of which are integrated. The artists also use the principle of a “headquarter“ from Jeanne van Heeswijk“™s practice, creating a certain meeting and dialogue-based point (house or inflatable tent) in public art projects. The text points out these advantages of the project: long-term effects and artists“™ residency in the area. The long-term project “Friendly Zone“, taking place in a single district, allows to test different creative methods involving public art, creates an environment of trust between local inhabitants and art initiatives taking place in the area. The process of examining and observing becomes a permanent task and, even, a way of life for the people involved. Nonetheless, difficulties and challenges also exist: the passivity of the members of local community towards certain activities as well as communication with both the outside (the press) and the local community. In both cases, this model of activity is not seen as the end in itself. Thus, it is necessary to strengthen the role of mediators by including people with skills of public relations into the team.

In Argentina, public policies related to Safety and Hygiene started at the beginning of the 20th century, and it was not until the 1970s that the first regulations related to the subject were passed, when the current Law Nº 19587 on "Safety and Hygiene at Work" was sanctioned. In particular, the construction industry, since 1996, has had a complementary regulatory framework with Decree Nº 911. On the other hand, the demolition, excavation and submurder stages found an intervention mechanism with SRT Resolutions Nº 550/11 and SRT Nº 503/14. However, the regulatory framework does not provide specificity in relation to procedures and consequently does not guarantee efficiency/effectiveness in operational terms. This work exposes a gap, which, from a particular methodological approach, concludes with the obtaining of results, as it verifies the levels of compliance of the actions in the traceability of the work, aimed at framing the demolition, excavation and submuration tasks according to regulatory parameters of Health and Safety established by the instrument of analysis / matrix. As part of the final considerations, this work proposes to contribute with management guidelines for the aforementioned tasks in urban collective housing works.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, Edmund Husserl launched phenomenology as a rigorous and positivist science of subjectivity. It was set up to deal with specific problems in other scientific disciplines. The discovery of paradoxes in mathematics had put in question the ultimate rationality of mathematics and of the mathematized empirical sciences. Husserl's phenomenology worked to trace mathematics and logic back to their fundamental units and operations and to exhibit the mental acts in which they are constituted. Subsequently he judged that every scientific discipline was in need of a phenomenological investigation of the subjective acts in which the distinctive objects studied by that discipline are constituted, given to intuition and their meanings ascribed.Empirical and ideal objects—the essences with which objects are identified and classified—are given in intuition; intuition constitutes them as objects. Intuition occurs in acts in the first-person singular—“I see.” These acts can be brought to light by a specific kind of reflection, also an act in the first-person singular. The successive intuitive and meaning-ascribing acts, and the second-order intuition that is reflection, retain and anticipate one another, forming a distinctive and individual stream of consciousness that is the first-person singular. The science of subjectivity is based on the reality of the first-person singular.By midcentury developments in other sciences led to discrediting the phenomenological conception of subjectivity. Structural linguistics had exhibited system in the phonetics and syntaxes of languages and demonstrated that languages change in systematic ways. The meanings of words and expressions form within language and are determined by the existing vocabulary, grammar, and paradigms of a language; they are not the products of individual subjective acts.Anthropology discarded, as post-Enlightenment Western, the concept of individual subjectivity as an abiding identity and source productive of meanings, judgments, decisions, and initiatives.1 It is cultural symbols that, Clifford Geertz affirms, first articulate, generate, and regenerate thought. To think is to identify things and relate them with words and other cultural symbols. Symbols are external to the thinker; they are words and also images, markings, gestures, rituals, graven idols, water holes, and tools.2 Their meanings are in their uses, and the ways they are used are accessible to observation without divining the minds of the users. “The meanings that symbols, the material vehicles of thought, embody are often elusive, vague, fluctuating, and convoluted, but,” Geertz affirms, “they are, in principle, as capable of being discovered through systematic empirical investigation … as the atomic weight of hydrogen or the function of the adrenal glands.”3 Thus anthropology can dispense with the dubious methods to access other minds and become a natural science like any other.4 Claude Lévi-Strauss set out to show the underlying structures, not explicitly conscious, in kinship systems, myths, garb and adornment, and cuisine. He set out to show that fundamental generative structures are universal across cultures.Emotions surge focused by words and symbols. Indignation, a feeling of injustice, of frustration of our expectations and plans, envy, jealousy, triumph—words and cultural symbols, not produced by the individual mind, make them possible. “Not only ideas, but emotions too, are cultural artifacts in man,” Geertz declares.5For the postmodern philosophy of mind meanings are articulated in the taxonomic contrasts, semantic systems, grammatical forms, and rhetorical paradigms of languages, which are social and institutional productions. The meanings of speech acts produced by individuals are determined from the specific tongue, milieu, profession, and social and practical situation in which they are uttered and from the distribution, condensations, and displacements of signifiers in the unconscious. Perceived things and events are not only identified with language; the vocabulary, grammar, and rhetoric of a specific language determine what we perceive and how. Action is ordered by the material imperatives of things and the cues, watchwords, and orders of social institutions.For postmodernism, Ellen Fox Keller explains, “subjects are … constructed by culturally specific discursive regimes (marked by race, gender, sexual orientation, and so on), and subjectivity itself is more properly viewed as the consequence of actions, behavior, or ‘performativity’ than as their source…. Selves are multiple and fractured rather than unitary, mobile rather than stable, porous rather than enclosed, externally constituted rather than internal or ‘inner’ natural essences.”6 The agency in me that says “I” is not a substantive identity; it is intermittent, fragmented, transitory.Art is now no longer seen as a discontinuous succession of individual creations; its themes and styles are engendered by the history of art. Postmodern theorists have abandoned the notion of creative force in the depth of the individual, indeed the notion of creativity: A society produces innumerable materials, mediums, forms, colors, meanings; artists select and combine from this existing fund. Their productions are constituted as art by being accepted into the history of art by the institutions and commerce of the art world.The postmodern philosophy of mind is seen to be realized in the practice and usage of electronic media. Media broadcasts diffuse representations of events and products; information about everything is instantly available on the Internet. Knowledge is stored as neutral units of information, detached, as in Wikipedia, from the experience and perspective of a thinker. Cyberspace engineers and theorists see themselves producing a global brain in which potentially all things and events are represented, all data stored in memory, and linked in all possible ways, connected, combined, synthesized. Individuals connected on the Internet constitute the noosphere, the collective consciousness that emerges from all the users of the Internet and that is greater than any one of them and greater than all of them. It would be analogous to the hive mind of ant, termite, or bee colonies studied by biologists. Its axioms, paradigms, technologies of image and message production, and distribution technologies are studied by cyberspace theorists and culture studies.Surveying the field of scientific research today, I will here turn attention to three sectors of research that break with the postmodern conception of subjectivity.Classical ethnographers observed the habitats, implements, economic activity, institutions, and beliefs of a community in view of producing an account of a particular “culture,” conceived as a functionally interrelated structure of economic, political, and ideological systems. Their work was scientific not only in the rigor of its observations but also in that the representation of a culture is translated into the vocabulary, paradigms, and explanations of scientific economics, sociology, political theory, psychology, biology, and physics.How are these productions of an anthropology that aims to be scientific verified? In most cases, another ethnographer does not go back to that community to verify what the first has written. In most cases the members of that community cannot or do not read the account of them the ethnographer has published. In practice a monograph is accepted by the anthropological community for internal characteristics—the appearance of detailed and exhaustive data and the apparent rigor of the reasoning and conclusions drawn from them.Agricultural practices, housing construction, tools and equipment, economic exchanges, and kinship systems are recorded and translated into the objective terminology of modern sciences. But all these are found to be determined by the natives' understanding of causality and the symbolic meanings ascribed to them. In practice the ethnographer sets out to learn the language, the categories, and the imagery of the users of symbols and in fact learns them by speaking to the natives and being understood by them. The anthropologist conceives the “culture” as an overarching and integrated system of symbols and representations, distinctive to a society, that provides individuals with a meaningful framework for orienting themselves in the world around them and to one another.But field researchers have come to recognize that the ideology or mythical or religious elaborations of a community are very unevenly present in the understanding of any informant. Pieces of the ideology and myth combine but also conflict with the practical knowledge each individual acquires of his or her particular natural environment and workplace. The discourse of the informant is also shaped by the sensibility, energies, and skills of his or her body. Consciousness waxes and wanes as sensory thresholds, states of wakefulness, fatigue, and also instincts, cravings, appetite, agitations, and drives surge and recede. Two women working alongside of one another planting and harvesting crops, the one with superabundant energy, the other with slow metabolism, the one young, the other aged after multiple childbearings, do not experience the same articulation of that field, and though they use the common words to describe it, the words do not have identical force and meaning for each of them. The singularity of a person's body also figures as a force of resistance to the identities attributed to him or her from others and from the ideology. Individuals with somewhat different pieces of ideology and myth and practical knowledge interact and engender changes in practical enterprises and social institutions and also in ideology and myth.The entry of the field researcher into a community alters the network of social relations in that community. The researcher is not a fly on the wall, unnoticed, going into every room and field. What an informant tells the ethnographer is selected and oriented by the political and psychological relations the informant has with other members of the community and with the researcher. The informant, commonly paid by the ethnographer, has a political and psychological relationship with that researcher. The informant is motivated by ambition, pride, cupidity, suspicion, affection, a longing to be recognized and admired.There may be much dishonesty in the relationship the researcher has with her informants; the researcher often conceals what she knows in order to increase the likelihood of acceptance and does not reveal her research goals. Her relationship with her informant is shaped by her curiosity, fascination, protectiveness, lust, frustration, anger, vindictiveness, disdain, craving for privacy, homesickness. The publication, twenty-five years after his death, of Bronislaw Malinowski's diaries—where he writes often of how he was just sick of all these truculent and fickle savages—has made ethnographers aware that they are not simply recording what an informant says but are in an obscure agon with an individual.Anthropologists write for readers in their own culture, primarily the academic community, but have to first understand and represent the native's point of view, more exactly, represent the individual informant's point of view. This has led to the search in recent decades for new forms of writing.7 There is need for theory to conceptualize the forces that make the discourse of the informant his or her own voice.The mind of the informant is not simply a locus where the ideological system of his culture is inscribed; it is a force of commitment—commitment to some pieces of this system but also to his own work and his maneuvers in the network of his political and psychological relations with others.Anthropologists have come to see that every community has contact with other communities and imports some of the representations of other communities, modified, renamed, reversed and assimilated, some sections badly integrated, coexisting or overlapping with sections of its own representations. In zones where a people has been invaded or conquered by another and have to contrive their lives between different economic and institutional systems with different cultural and mythical systems of interpretation, there arise cargo cult messiahs, Vodou serviteurs, ialorixás, mediums, and curanderos. They deal with individuals in individual predicaments and work with parts of the Christian and parts of the Aztec or Yoruba mythology to make sense of what is happening in this individual. They have to invent, to fill in the gaps, to work by inspiration. They improvise rituals and sacraments.Today anthropological field researchers first and everywhere encounter such encroachment of an alien system of understanding on communities in the entry of modern scientific medicine. With the intense and highly profitable penetration of pharmaceutical marketing across the planet, many people, especially the very poor, are treated by local health workers and by their families with a mix of modern therapeutic methods and pharmaceuticals, traditional healing resources, and religious and ritual practices. Medical anthropologists set out to assess and understand the impact of healers and rituals. They come to recognize something else: individuals are forced to take responsibility for their illness and healing with whatever resources and understanding they can assemble.8 Medical practitioners have come to recognize the difference between a patient assenting to and obeying the doctor, or the faith healer, and a patient taking responsibility for his disease and its cure on the basis of his own daily sufferings, observations, and judgments. Their practice will be different if the doctor has to take account of the patient herself taking responsibility for her disease and its treatment. We need a theoretical understanding of the first-person singular in this force to take responsibility for one's illness.In our Western societies folk medicine and faith healing are vanishing alternatives to scientific medical research, institutions, and practice. Medical science has constructed a highly technical vocabulary and grammar to formulate the results of its laboratory and clinical research into pathologies and their treatments. When a sufferer goes to the doctor, the doctor translates the patient's account of her ailments into this language, and the patient is induced to learn this language to understand her ailments, communicate them, and assent to treatment. Increasingly patients download explanations and treatments from the Internet before and after their consultations with the doctor. The extraordinary advance in pharmacology and hi-tech surgical interventions has made this language the more necessary and the more difficult for the patient to master.Medical practice finds that it must also deal with economic, political, and juridical institutions. The patient must learn and understand the medical discourse and to some measure also the economic, political, and juridical discourses.But the patient has another problem: he has to endure the suffering and to assess its impact on his family, his work, his sense of the life he henceforth has to lead and the death that he has to face. For all this, the medical discourse is of no avail. Indeed the real and promised advances of medical biotechnology, organ transplants and prostheses, and life-support systems work to defer death, rendering suffering and death intolerable and unintelligible. The sufferer has to elaborate a narrative of her aspirations and her fate, her destiny, her lifetime. The patient's own narrative of that alien event in her life that is her illness will determine what treatments she will accept and may even have an effect on the efficacy of those treatments. This narrative is composed not out of concepts but out of bewilderment, anxieties, fears, attachments, dereliction, and pain. The sufferer gets sight of the indifference of the material world, the impenetrability of brute reality, gets sight of the aleatory, improbable reality of his or her existence. Suffering and anxiety are not simply cultural artifacts; they are not made possible by the words of a culture but seek words for a private language, the narrative the sufferer composes by and for himself or herself.Anthropologists who have studied mentally disturbed very poor people in Java, Brazil, and India find that the family of the psychotic may accept whatever therapy and psychopharmaceuticals are available while also invoking images and conceptions and rituals from the prevailing religion.9 The images and conceptions from the prevailing religion function to fix, to bind, the rampant strangeness of the sufferer's experience and behavior for them. Medical anthropologists have investigated these phenomena in view of explaining the social and cultural context in which modern psychiatric practice in these places must be pursued.The psychotic himself may identify himself and his states with concepts and images from the prevailing religion. However, the psychotic works an individual transformation of them, giving them new and distinctive structures and force, often viewed as heterodox and fanatical by the family and by religious leaders. They may often be mixed with practices of black magic and sorcery. Anthropological researchers have come to recognize positive and productive forces in these heterodox beliefs and practices: they function to isolate the sufferer from her family and the community, in a protective withdrawal that enables the psychotic to recognize the distinctiveness of her sufferings and anxieties, establish some kind of distance from them, and produce images and discourse of strong coherence and emotional intensity.In 1922 Doctor Hans Prinzhorn published Bildnerei der Geisteskranken—translated into English as Artistry of the Mentally Ill—in which he reproduced and analyzed 187 from the more than five thousand paintings, drawings, and carvings he had collected from asylums in Heidelberg and farther afield, mostly from patients diagnosed as schizophrenic. Psychiatrist John M. MacGregor observed that “these ‘things’ are the product of an obsessional involvement with images in the service of extremely unusual preoccupations and ideas.” They are cosmological diagrams, maps of planets or worlds, depictions of visions and visitations of the dead, icons of private religions, influencing machines or magical weapons, medical illustrations, excitants for an explosive sexuality: “Commonly, there is no desire to share these things with anyone, and the images are kept secret, or are hidden.”10 They express a drive to create a metaphysical habitat for oneself alone.Prinzhorn found that he could not diagnose the psychiatric traumas and conditions of the patients from the images they made. Although they had no art education, these individuals had through long and obsessive application come upon techniques and styles that gave their works intense coherence, economy, and extraordinary expressiveness. Prinzhorn had obtained a degree in art history before training as a doctor and psychiatrist. He argued that the works of asylum image-makers issue from the same basic drives—an expressive urge, the urge to play, an ornamental urge, an ordering tendency, a tendency to imitate, and the need for symbols—that are at work in professional artists. Prinzhorn identified ten masters of the asylum, whose works exhibit exceptional skill, power, and eloquence.Professional artists such as expressionists Paul Klee and Alfred Kubin and surrealists André Breton and Max Ernst looked upon the works reproduced in Prinzhorn's book with awe and admiration; Paul Éluard called it “the most beautiful book of images there is.”11 Jean Dubuffet collected thousands of works of the insane, prisoners, and also spiritualists, mediums, and children, people ignorant of the canons and taste of the art world, calling them art brut, and eventually housed them in a building in Lausanne, Switzerland, set up as an antimuseum. English writers now call them the works of “outsider artists.”For postmodern aesthetics and culture studies the materials and styles of the artist are culturally produced, and an image or audio composition is constituted as art by the judgment of the art world, recognized because it makes a significant statement at a specific time in the evolution of art history. These works were made by individuals untrained in art and ignorant of the art world. Yet these works that issue out of their exaltations and terrors and made as metaphysical habitats for them were recognized to have in addition extraordinary aesthetic quality—and just because they were isolated from, free from the constraints of, the canons, tradition, taste, and trafficking of the art world. “Madness lightens the man, gives him wings, and promotes clairvoyance,” Dubuffet observed:12 “Insanity is the who Paul Éluard that the to be realized that to understand the of art a new conception of the first-person singular is He the as in constituted by what is from and by consciousness a of creative energies, and not as but as individual. The attention to the art of was motivated and the that the fundamental identified by Prinzhorn were of “The artist is not a kind of every is a kind of We need theory to understand how the basic drives that produce are in and set the first-person book The I argued that and the the but also the of things we and the other are not simply and social they are as real as we are and order order our and our We need a theory that this reality and this ordering In The I a force in the first-person the force of to one's a force, and a force a narrative of one's own I have attention to zones in the field of research where the methods of and cultural research up the first-person singular and the specific forces of the first-person singular. to these zones will to a more and more concept of the first-person singular.