Мировая экономика в период больших потрясений

The economic growth of any country is impossible without the world economic relationships today. Its progress depends on participation in the international division of labour and efficient and timely adaptation to today's challenges. The degree of dependence of a country on foreign economic relations as well as on foreign policy often leads to conflict situations. Increased conflict in international relations is a threat and destabilizing factor both for separate neighbouring countries and for entire regions. It is of utter importance to understand the consequences that may arise in economic terms due to conflicts between the countries. It is referred to as the impact on commodity turnover, financial and production relations, GDP, tourism, governmental costs, macroeconomic, export-import indices, household costs, foreign and domestic investment volumes, external debt indices, national security, etc., as well as on the competitiveness of the economy. The competitiveness of the economy in the given research is considered a systemic, obligatory indicator of the efficiency of the economic well-being of the country. It is a comprehensive assessment of the economic, political, and social system of the country as a whole; an indicator of the efficiency using the economic potential. Therefore, increasing competitiveness is an extremely important task for any country. The article characterizes the essence of the international conflict as a component of international economic relations. Key reasons, most often contributing to their occurrence, are outlined. Criteria and types of international conflicts are specified. The influence of international conflicts on the competitiveness of the economy is revealed, which allowed enlightening their specific features and characterizing the mechanism for coordination of the national interests in order to avoid and prevent international conflict.

Recent institutional changes have seen the increasing dominance of globalization and neoliberalism in the world economy. As markets have been deregulated, privatization and unproductive government spending have been promoted. Yet the greater volatility of capitals, the emergence of many financial crises, a decline in trust, and environmental problems have cast doubt on the effectiveness of neoliberal globalization. This book studies the impact of neoliberal globalization on growth and development in the world economy. It scrutinizes whether new social structures of accumulation or modes of regulation have emerged to promote long-term socioeconomic performance in the global economy during the early years of the twenty-first century. Special reference is given to the specific performance of neoliberal governance; transnational corporations; global institutions of money, trade and production; international relations of war and terrorism; financial institutions; and the family-community environment. It is a comprehensive analysis of the degree to which institutional development has managed to promote socioeconomic performance in the global economy. It also presents a thorough policy program of action for long wave upswing in the world economy. It will be especially useful for those scholars and students concerned with issues of governance, global political economy, institutions and macroeconomics

The Editorial Board publishes a brief report on the round table at the Center for Asia Pacific Studies of IMEMO on new phenomena in the system of international relations in the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR) and in the policies of the states located there. The sharp increase in the level of confrontation in different regions of the world over the past year leads to increased importance in the system of international relations, in the foreign policy of states of such categories as “friendliness” and “unfriendliness” in relation to other countries. These phenomena have also affected the Indo-Pacific region, which now plays a key role in world politics and economy, where complicated and sometimes multidirectional processes of restructuring the political space, reformatting economic, military and political relations between states are taking place. In this context, it seems relevant to analyze the influence of the factors of “friendship”–“unfriendliness” on the formation of the main “axes” of rapprochement and confrontation in the region, new blocs and coalitions. The determination of Russia’s new positioning in the ITR taking into account the factors mentioned above also becomes an important independent research task. These and other closely related issues were the object of discussion at the round table held by the Center for Asia Pacific Studies of IMEMO in late October 2022. At the same time the discussion participants focused on the analysis of policies not of all countries in the region, but mainly of the Pacific Asia (PA) and India and South Asia. The panelists were K.R. Voda, Cand. Sci. (Polit.), Scientific Secretary of IMEMO; L.A. Gamza, Cand. Sci. (Econ.), senior researcher at IMEMO; O.V. Davydov, retired Ambassador-at-Large, senior researcher at IMEMO; E.A. Kanaev, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Prof. at National Research University Higher School of Economics; A.N. Karneev, Cand. Sci. (Hist.), Prof. at National Research University Higher School of Economics; A.V. Kupriyanov, Cand. Sci. (Hist.), Head of the Group at IMEMO; V.L. Larin, RAS Academician, Deputy Chairman of the Presidium of FEB RAS; A.V. Lomanov, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Professor of RAS, Deputy Director of IMEMO; S.A. Lukonin, Cand. Sci. (Econ.), Head of the Sector, IMEMO; V.V. Mikheev, RAS Academician, Member of the IMEMO Directorate; V.V. Sumskiy, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Principle researcher at IMEMO; M.A. Terskikh, Cand. Sci. (Polit.), resercher at IMEMO; V.G. Shvydko, Cand. Sci. (Econ.), Head of the Group at IMEMO.

Strategic priorities of world labor market development

In a comparison of today’s global political economy with that of the last great era of globalization, the late nineteenth century, the most prominent distinction is be the high degree of institutionalization in today’s system. While the nineteenth-century system did have some important international institutions—in particular the gold standard and an emerging network of trade agreements—it had nothing like the scope and depth of today’s powerful international economic institutions. We cannot understand the functioning of today’s global political economy without understanding the sources and consequences of these institutions. Why were international organizations (IOs) such as the World Trade Organization (WTO) or International Monetary Fund (IMF) created? How have they gained so much influence? What difference do they make for the functioning of the global economy and the well-being of individuals around the world? In large part, understanding IOs requires a focus on the tension between the use of power, and rules that are intended to constrain the use of power. IOs are rules-based creatures. They create and embody rules for gaining membership, for how members should behave, for monitoring, for punishment if members renege on their commitments, etc. However, these rules-based bodies exist in the anarchical international system, in which there is no authority above states, and states continue to exercise power when it is in their self-interest to do so. While states create and join IOs in order to make behavior more rule-bound and predictable, the rules themselves reflect the global distribution of power at the time of their creation; and they only constrain to the extent that states find that the benefits of constraint exceed the costs of the loss of autonomy. The tension between rules and power shapes the ways in which international institutions function, and therefore the impact that they have on the global economy. For all their faults, international economic institutions have proven themselves to be an indispensable part of the modern global political economy, and their study represents an especially vibrant research agenda.

This paper analyzes the effects of changes in relative commodity prices on the distribution of income among factors of production in the context of two models of a simple, two-good economy. In the first model capital is treated as a specific factor in each industry, with labor mobile between industries. The assumption of specificity determines the direction of factor income changes, with magnitudes depending on substitutability between factors and on intensities of factor use within the two industries. In the second model, capital is viewed as a quasi-fixed factor. For the short run, this model is identical to the model first considered. For the long run, this model is identical to the Stolper-Samuelson model in which the direction and magnitude of factor income changes depend solely on relative factor intensities. The difference between the short-run and long-run determinants of changes in factor incomes gives rise to a conflict between factor owners' short-run and long-run interests.

The colonial period has dominated literature on African economic history over the years. However, Leigh Gardner goes against the grain by exploring the economic implications of independence in the often-understudied Republic of Liberia. Whilst this may not be a pioneer study on the economic history of Liberia, it is undoubtedly the first to provide annual measures of its economic performance since the mid-nineteenth century (p. xviii). Liberia does not have ‘Blue Books’ as most former British colonies do. This limited earlier attempts to understand its forms of governance and interactions with the world economy since its inception (p. 3). Therefore, Gardner is applauded for reconstructing a time series of Liberia's GDP from the mid-nineteenth century. She adroitly addresses inconsistencies in the existing archive by harvesting quantitative data from numerous qualitative sources (p. 5). This allows her to critically examine what sovereignty meant to an African state in a community of empires and how this shaped long-term economic development (p. xv). Her reconstruction provides essential details about the nature of African Americans who emigrated to Liberia and the class struggles between them and the indigenous population (pp. 59–68). As the story unfolds, we learn how these divisions shaped Liberia's application of sovereignty. The survival needs of these emigrants detected the nature of institutions that developed. Sovereignty without power squares well with existing institutional works by focusing on the role of institutions and long-run African growth. Not only does it help us understand how institutions work but it also paves the way for other studies on the importance of sovereignty in African economic history. Many studies on the topic focus on larger states and how sovereignty translates to autonomy and power. The case of Liberia tells a different story. Although it was recognized diplomatically by the colonial powers around it, it struggled to integrate into the global economy (p. 102). Indeed, independence in 1847 empowered it to exercise sovereign rights, such as resolving territorial disputes with its neighbours, implementing new tax laws to control maritime trade, and introducing a national currency. However, it still struggled to assert itself within the global economy. Printing a national currency was ‘An illusion of monetary independence’, especially when paying debt heavily dominated by foreign currency (p. 137). Consequently, as shown in chapter 5, Liberia was forced to auction sovereignty by abandoning its currency, adopting the West African Shilling and later the US Dollar. This exposed it to heavy foreign interference in the form of advisory aid and financial controls that smothered its foreign policy (p. 148). Gardner's reconstructed data further challenges the history of Liberia's ‘era of the closed door’ and draws us back to the ‘economic dysfunction’ discourse on post-independence African states. She shows that its tariff rates were below the ad valorem rate – lower than those of Latin America, Asia, and colonized West Africa (p. 111). This was because Liberia's trade policies were not intended to hinder competition but rather to raise revenue for the government and elite (p. 113). In addition to the original conceptual, theoretical, and methodological contribution to African economic history, the book also enriches knowledge in adjacent scholarly disciplines such as political studies and international relations. Gardner shows that the challenges Liberia faced continue to plague developing countries today. Contrary to the widespread perception that Liberia was a settler colony or ‘de facto colony of the United States’, she argues that it had more in common with independent states than formal colonies (p. xvi). This is demonstrated by drawing parallels with Ghana, Japan, Mexico, and Peru – denoting how Liberia's experience was not unique. The book consists of 11 expertly researched chapters divided into three themes. Chapter 1, titled ‘Reconstructing Fragments’, displays Gardner's methodological rigour and how she reconstructed statistical data for Liberia. It also provides a template for scholars researching other neglected countries in African economic history, such as Ethiopia. Chapters 2 and 3, under the theme ‘foundations’, provide a socio-economic background of the first African American migrants in the region. Chapters 4–7, ‘The Art of Survival’, discuss the dilemma post-1847 Liberia faced when attempting to balance different interests with its trade, money, and access to foreign capital policies. The final theme, ‘Sovereignty for Sale?’, discusses opportunities and challenges presented by the post-Second World War period. These include improvements in school enrolments attributed to concession companies (pp. 238–9) and inequality and civil unrest that came along with it. Overall, Gardner's innovative study warrants the attention of all practitioners in African economic development. Her enquiry encourages us to think critically about sovereignty and Africa's development path.

In 2004 the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) embarked on a large-scale research project on the ‘Impact of Globalization on the World’s Poor’ co-directed by Machiko Nissanke and Erik Thorbecke. The first conference was essentially conceptual in nature, meant to understand better the various mechanisms and channels through which globalization affects the poor either directly or indirectly. The other three conferences focused on each of the major regions of the developing world: Asia, Africa and Latin America. Theobjectivesofthisintroductionarethreefold:first,toreviewbrieflyhow the forces of globalization influence poverty in general; second, to describe and discuss the main transmission channels and mechanisms; and third to analyze the impact of globalization on Africa and present an overview of the six Africa case studies included in this issue. 1. The Impact of Globalization on the World’s Poor Globalization provides a strong potential for a major reduction in poverty in the developing world because it creates an environment conducive to fastereconomicgrowthandtransmissionofknowledge. 1 However,structural factors and policies within the world economy and national economies have impeded the full transmission of the benefits of the various channels of globalization for poverty reduction. In particular sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) hasbeenrelativelylessaffectedbytheforcesofglobalizationthanotherparts of the world. World income distribution continues to be very unequal and many poor countries particularly in Africa are stagnating. Moreover, there is much empirical evidence that openness contributes to more within-country

Not only does the process of digitalisation in the broad sense affect individual enterprises and smaller financial organizations, but it also has a direct impact on international economic organizations’ operations. This is manifested both in the need to introduce digital technologies into their activities and to a greater extent in the need they experience to adapt themselves to new realities. The range of actors in the world economy is expanding, the role of transnational corporations is changing, and it is becoming increasingly difficult for the state to regulate production and circulation at the national level, which generates the necessity of creating additional opportunities for international regulation. To a certain extent, existing levers of influence used by international organizations are outdated and require serious revision. The question thus arises as to which one of the following directions for the system’s development should become the main one: reforming existing organizations, establishing fundamentally new ones or combining the two options. The purpose of the article is to analyze current changes in international economic relations, caused by the digital transformation, and to identify the key ways to improve the institutional architecture of the world economy.

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Introduction. With this paper we want to show that the study of international competitiveness only at a country level does not correspond to the contemporary development of the global economy. The author presents the methodology for competitiveness grouping of international integration groupings’ member states in order to assess the global competitive force of trade and economic groupings in the world economy. Based on the data of the Global Competitiveness Report 2019 regarding the competitiveness of the EU Member States, the Global Competitive Force Index of the EU as an interstate integration grouping has been calculated. The Index will help evaluate economic integration or disintegration processes in the global economy. The research demonstrates the necessity of the annual global competitive force ranking of international integration groupings. This study will enhance knowledge in the field of economics by grouping the EU Member States’ global competitiveness indices according to 12 criteria and identifying the new quantitative and qualitative integrated Global Competitive Force Index of an international integration grouping. To reach this objective, we will define the Integrated Global Competitive Force Index as the average of the individual points of the EU Member States in 2019. The novelty of our study lies in the comparative analysis of the three largest interstate integration groupings from the perspective of their competitive force. The introduction of the new integrated Global Competitive Force Index of interstate integration groupings will help competition policy makers decide which processes of economic integration or disintegration should be preferred in order to increase their competitive force in the global economy. The purpose. Research and calculation of the European Union’s Integrated Global Competitive Force Index to analyze the attractiveness of the European Union in terms of global competitive force. Based on the calculation of the EU Integrated Global Competitive Force Index 2019, the attractiveness of the EU competitive environment has been determined according to 12 criteria. Results. The ranking of the three largest regional integration groupings of the world economy has been formed. Specification of the assessment and results of the integrated index of interstate integration groupings’ global development can be used for the competition policy development of the individual member state of an integration grouping as well as the communitarian competition policy. The EU Integrated Global Competitive Force Index will help understand what the integration grouping’s competitive force means and whether the process of interstate integration of countries contributes to enhancing the competitive force of an individual country and the integration grouping as a whole. To calculate the EU Integrated Competitive Force Index, we will analyze the Member States on 12 competitive strength criteria, and Global Competitiveness Report 2019 will serve as the basis for our study. According to our calculations, the EU Integrated Global Competitive Force Index is 72 points out of 100. Conclusion. The results of a comprehensive integrated assessment of the competitive force of 28 EU Member States demonstrate a high overall competitive force index of the grouping, indicating the EU’s impact on global competitive processes. The EU Global Competitive Force Index can be used both as an indicator of the separate international integration grouping’s development and as a global criterion for the effectiveness of interstate integration groupings in the transformation of international competitive relations. Discussion. The highlighting of the EU global competitive force is a requirement for the contemporary development of the global competitive environment, since interstate integration groupings are the main actors of the world economy, which significantly affect the distribution and growth of competitive force.

The global financial crisis that originated in the United States in 2008 and the economic turmoil in Europe symbolize the relative decline of Western powers that had dominated world politics and economics since the end of World War II. Against this backdrop, the rapid growth of several large developing countries has altered the contours of international relations (IR). The rise of China and India, in particular, entail far‐reaching geopolitical and geoeconomic implications. Does this portend a hegemonic transition and a shift of world power and plenty toward Asia? This article presents a representative set of American perspectives on the rise of China and the rise of India by investigating through three dimensions: theories (e.g., power transition theory; the realist, liberal‐institutionalist, and constructivist paradigms in IR); empirics (indicators of power and public opinion); and policies (major policy statements). How do contending IR theories help us understand the rise of China and India? How do American elites and publics generally perceive the rise of these two giants? Are there qualitative differences between American perceptions on the rise of China and on the rise of India? The article presents comparative economic and military data, summarizes the key findings from important opinion polls, and interprets several key U.S. policy documents and pronouncements.

Theotonio Dos Santos (1936–2018): The Revolutionary Intellectual Who Pioneered Dependency Theory

A partir de la mitad del siglo XX se consolidó el sistema capitalista moderno/colonial, por medio de la lógica eurocéntrica que agravó la brecha Norte-Sur. Así se forjaron las relaciones económicas internacionales que impusieron la engeneración y la racialización del trabajo. En este sentido, la garantía de los derechos socioeconómicos de la clase trabajadora de una parte del planeta (Norte), fue el producto de un proceso imbricado por los factores de modernidad, (neo)colonialismo y desarrollo. De este modo, se presenta la urgencia de deconstruir el sistema económico actual ecologicida y genocida, que ha sido el creador de este nuevo orden mundial que ha rentabilizado la sobreexplotación y la muerte de miles de mujeres. Así, esta investigación bebe de la aplicación de un enfoque teórico-metodológico interseccional, es decir, es necesario entender la subordinación de las mujeres a partir del conjunto de variables co-constitutivas (género, raza, sexualidad, espiritualidad, etcétera) y desde los conocimientos situados de Donna Haraway. Respecto a la estructura, en la primera parte del artículo se presentará una crítica al discurso mainstream de las Relaciones Internacionales desde la perspectiva descolonial. Posteriormente, se estudiará la relegación del trabajo reproductivo a las mujeres vinculada al proceso colonial, además, se pretenderá demostrar los efectos del sistema económico internacional en las vidas de las subalternizadas, sobre las mujeres trabajadoras, las racializadas, las colonizadas, las refugiadas, las trans o las migrantes. En último término, se presenta un diálogo entre los feminismos descoloniales y la economía feminista para repensar y justificar el bienestar como camino hacia la protección de la vida planetaria. En definitiva, el contexto global es un sistema que le ha cedido la batuta a un modelo que imposibilita garantizar el cuidado de las vidas como consecuencia de su naturaleza eurocéntrica, racista, colonial, heteropatriarcal, ecologicida y un largo etcétera. Por esta razón, este artículo abre una puerta al diálogo entre los feminismos descoloniales y la economía feminista para tratar de encontrar consensos que permitan crear una agenda feminista, subversiva y común. Para este camino de reflexión y cuestionamiento la presencia de las Relaciones Internacionales se vuelve indispensable. Esta disciplina debe acompañar, desde el inicio, la fase de transición que consiga desplazar el capital para situar en el epicentro del sistema los cuidados y la sostenibilidad de la vida.

China’s banking reform has achieved significant progress in the past decade; however, problems and challenges remain. Our chapter argues that the inefficiency in the banking industry is mainly due to the system problem, and separate financial sector regulation restricts further banking development. Accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) will accelerate the speed of China’s banking reform, even though with pain and at a price, and in turn, China will benefit from further integration into the world economy. The past decades witnessed successful economic reform in China, with GDP growth at an average rate of almost 8%; per capita GDP from US$266 at the end of 1979 to US$1,081 at the end of 2003 increased more than four times (Table 3.1). Successful accession to WTO on 11 December, 2001, accelerating the pace of economic reform and opening up speed to the world, meanwhile led China’s integration even more into the global economy, and “its share in world trade is now over 4 percent, compared with near zero in 1978” (Rodlauer and Heytnes, 2003, in ‘Introduction and Overview’). Now, China has become the major driving force in the development of global economy and plays an important role. “China’s historical record on globalization is very poor. China has almost always been either a strong opponent to this historical process when it was strong enough, or a reluctant follower when it was too weak to voice its opposition. However, given the size of China’s population and its dynamic economy over the last 20 years, the integration of China into the world economy will be of far-reaching significance” (Wen, 2001). China could have a bigger impact on the global economy than the other economies in the future. China’s integration with the global economy represents its rapid expansion of international trade (Prasad, 2004). “Since the late 1970s, exports and inward foreign direct investment (FDI) in China have risen dramatically under the open-door policy. The contribution of FDI in China’s exports has been widely recognized” (Zhang and Song, 2001, p. 385). “Attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) has been a strategic