الأمن المجتمعي وفقاً لطروحات مدرسة كوبنهاغن

It can be said that the emergence of the Covid 19 pandemic, and its rapid spread among all countries of the world, had greatly affected all aspects of the lives of countries within the framework of the international community, and among the aspects affected by the pandemic are aspects of international security and cooperation between the countries of the system Globalism. This is because the concept of security has changed to a very large degree under the influence of the repercussions of the Coronavirus, which has exposed international security and peace to new challenges and risks. Consistent with this, the images and levels of international cooperation to confront the Covid 19 pandemic have undergone a major change, which requires reviewing new formulations of international cooperation in terms of goals and means and crystallizing new forms of them. In general, this scientific research deals with, in addition to its scientific problem and hypothesis, the relationship between change on two levels, namely: the first, the Covid 19 pandemic, and the second, international security and cooperation, by relying on the descriptive-analytical approach, to stand on a comprehensive analytical vision that covers the contents of the research from Its many angles. And he has to deal with the research within its scientific structure, an introduction, and two main topics, the first of which discussed the impact of the Covid 19 pandemic on international security, through two branches, the first of which dealt with the concept of international security in light of the repercussions of the Corona crisis, while the second focused on studying the Covid pandemic 19 as a source of threat to international security. As for the second topic, it was divided into three different branches, which included studying the issue of international cooperation to confront the Corona crisis by discussing the roles of the United Nations General Assembly and the UN Security Council, as well as the World Health Organization. While the research ended to a conclusion, a set of scientific conclusions and recommendations crystallized on it, to provide solutions to the existing research problem in logical and objective ways.

INTRODUCTIONGiven that the primary and most immediate experience of insecurity in troubled societies worldwide is through unmet basic needs, political exclusion, denied rights, social and political disintegration, and the criminal and political violence that invariably accompany these conditions of insecurity, the primary means of achieving security must be through the creation of favourable social, political, and economic conditions-that is, through economic development, respect for basic rights, political participation, control over the instruments of violence, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Hence, spending in support of international peace and security should be expanded beyond the traditional three Ds-defence, development, and diplomacy-to a more comprehensive five Ds of security-development, democracy, disarmament, diplomacy, and defence-which better reflect the dimensions of human security. Canada is an extraordinarily prosperous and secure country and has a responsibility to increase its commitment to international peace and security. That means an overall expansion of the five Ds security envelope, as well as spending shifts within that envelope to give appropriate emphasis to addressing the social, political, and economic conditions that are essential to durable international peace and security.THE MEASURE OF SECURITYThe search for a security consensusCanadian security policy promises to be a significant and contentious subject for national debate for many years to come and for many reasons, including the threat of terrorism and the threatened further proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, both of which bring international peace and security concerns directly to shores. In addition, funding for international peace and security efforts will continue to be crowded out by other urgent national priorities, such as health care, the urban infrastructure, and so on. There is also a widespread view, one that is embraced across the full political spectrum in Canada, that current defence policy is not workable, either because it lacks resources or because it does not address real security needs, or both. And finally, a changed security environment, as well as changes in understanding of what security policy should encompass, mean that there is no broad consensus on what security priorities should be; that is, what the threats to security really are, and how those threats should be met.The lack of consensus concerning the nature and extent of the threats to national and international security and the appropriate means to counter them is deeply rooted. The threat of terrorism, for example, is certainly widely accepted as real but there is little agreement on how imminent or prominent it is, whether it is primarily a policing and intelligence problem, a military problem, or whether it is a social-economic-political problem that requires greater attention to root causes. The ballistic missile threat is also widely accepted as real, but again, there is little agreement on how imminent it is, which missile threat is the greater danger (e.g., Russia's or North Korea's), or whether the priority response should be defence, counterproliferation, or nonproliferation diplomacy.The April 2004 tabling of a national security policy by the government of Prime Minister Paul Martin is an effort to guide the development of a national consensus. It is, as the prime minister notes in the preface, Canada's first-ever comprehensive statement of our National security Policy, and makes the point that although threats to Canada will change, our security interests are enduring. Three core national security interests are identified:* protecting Canada and the safety and security of Canadians at home and abroad;* ensuring that Canada is not a base for threats to our allies; and* contributing to international security.The report emphasizes that Canadian security will be increasingly dependent on our ability to contribute to international security,1 citing as an example the danger that failed states far away from Canada can become havens for terrorists, thus increasing risk to Canada. …

Ensuring global international security requires a thorough study of threats that negatively affect processes in countries around the world. Given the nature of threats, the goal of security research is to timely identify, overcome an existing or prevent a potential threat by partially or completely neutralizing the impact of threats. In connection with global challenges to the modern system of international security, the concept of individual and collective security in the world is being revised. This is forcing the countries of the world and military-economic blocs to reconsider their defense policies, focus on increasing military budgets and developing new defense strategies. Identification, analysis and forecast of global challenges in the modern system of international security are very important and relevant. The purpose of the article is to identify the problems and prospects for countering the global challenges of the modern international security system. The development of geopolitical relations in the modern world is determined by current global security problems that directly or indirectly affect all countries of the world. The modern world is faced with many challenges that require not only a defensive response, but also countermeasures aimed at eliminating not only the problems themselves, but also the risk factors caused by these problems. The main attention should be focused not only on countering threats, but also on developing preventive measures to overcome the possible consequences of an increase in new global and regional risks to national security. It has been proven that the main global challenges to international security are: military actions between countries and frozen conflicts, economic globalization, competition for resources, climate change and environmental problems, mass uncontrolled migration, technological changes and cybersecurity, international terrorism and extremism. The result of overcoming existing or preventing potential global threats is the protection of national and international interests and ensuring the sovereignty of states.

There is a consensus in current literature and among Western European secret services that transnational organized crime, terrorism and human trafficking increased after 1989. These transnational threats make the distinction between internal and external security for European states increasingly difficult to maintain. These threats—especially transnational terrorism—are not new phenomena. Starting out from the beneficial advice to tackle terrorism on a case-by-case basis, this article analyzes the roles and transformation of the Spanish security forces in counterterrorism against Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) during the years 1959–1992. During these years of transformation from dictatorship to democracy and its subsequent consolidation, the Spanish governments were confronted with an internal security issue with important external security dimensions. From this tentative case study can be concluded that the Spanish governments and security forces became more effective once they comprehensively approached ETA as a transnational organization. The gradual demilitarization of the Spanish security forces formed an integral and important part of this process. This article also emphasizes that a state fighting transnational terrorism needs intensive international cooperation and can play a decisive role in its anti-terrorism policies and programs. Moreover, this study may demonstrate that the merger of internal and external security of Spain and the shifting roles of its security forces occurred in response to transnational terrorism already before 1989.

Comparison between At-Tahaluf and Qitālul-Bughāt Vis-a-Vis Collective Self-defence and Security towards International Peace and Security

The article analyses the development of EU security policies. It reveals the development of EU political cooperation and cooperation in the field of Justice and Home Affairs. Important milestones are discussed: the development of European Political Cooperation (EPC), TREVI group, the system of EU pillars introduced by the Maastricht Treaty and the changes made by Lisbon Treaty. Lastly, the latest EU policies on security are addressed and the interdependence of internal and external security aspects is illustrated. The article concludes that the development of the EU's competence in security matters began with European Political Cooperation and efforts to address terrorism, serving as a transition from an economic to a political union concerned with internal and external security. The Maastricht Treaty established the Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) pillar, enhancing EUwide security through cooperation on border controls, terrorism, illegal immigration, and judicial cooperation. The Treaty of Amsterdam and the Lisbon Treaty refined this framework, increasing the roles of EU institutions and prioritizing security coordination. The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), established in 1993, aims to preserve peace and enhance international security. The EU policies recognize the interconnected nature of threats arising to the security in the EU.

This paper examines how the concept of “Gulf security” is evolving as internal political and socioeconomic changes in the Gulf states interact with the processes of globalization and the impact of international events in this volatile region. Starting from the basic assumption of “regime security,” it first outlines the parameters that guide ruling elites in the six memberstates of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in constructing local and regional security agendas. The paper then focuses on a range of current and evolving threats to security to draw the distinction between the “internal” and “external” dimensions of security and how these relate to each other. Determining which individuals or groups hold the power and responsibility for formulating policy is important in delineating the linkages between internal and external security and deciding which issues do — and do not — dominate security agendas. This is a salient characteristic of ruling elites in the Arab oil monarchies, in which the conduct of foreign and security affairs is restricted to a tightly drawn circle of senior members of the ruling family. Our understanding of regional security-policy formulation is consequently enhanced by taking into account the factors that inform regimes’ perceptions of their internal-security matrix. This, in turn, plays a crucial role in shaping their policies towards external issues such as the unfolding post-occupation dynamics in Iraq, the ongoing dispute between Iran and the international community, and the threat posed by radicalism and transnational terrorism. In addition to the securitization of these particular issues, the second half of this paper examines a number of longterm, non-military challenges to security in the Gulf. It argues that the changing political economies of all six GCC states need to be underpinned by a new and broader approach to national and regional security. Ruling elites’ reliance on oil rents and external security guarantees have hitherto provided a powerful insulation from internal problems and demands, while also reflecting the unorthodox nature of “security” in these postcolonial states. Strengthening internal cohesion and creating more inclusive and sustainable polities is vital to overcoming the long-term challenges to security outlined in this paper. The paper consequently builds on the cognitive shift in thinking about global security that has occurred in an era of accelerating complexity in global interconnections and transnational flows of people, capital and ideas. Transnational terrorism, cross-border criminal networks and flows, and global issues such as climate change have led to the emergence of new threats to national and international security. Increasingly, these bypass the state and erode the Cold War-era demarcations between internal and external spheres as states’ monopoly over the legitimate use of force becomes contested by predatory rivals operating within societies and across state boundaries.

Creating a European internal security strategy involving space applications

With the end of the Cold War, consolidates a new international agenda, which gives light to non-state threats to international security. In this new international environment, the emerging concept of human security that has two main aspects: keeping people safe from chronic threats as hunger, disease, repression (freedom from want) and protect them from sudden and harmful patterns everyday life, for example, of wars, genocides and ethnic cleansing (freedom from fear). The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in 1994, focused its report on this concept, which promoted a widely internationally. Within the concept of human security issues that were covered up by the East-West conflict, become the new guidelines of the international agenda from the 90s, such as environmental problems, epidemics, unemployment, drug trafficking, starvation, ethnic and religious conflicts, terrorism, refugees, human rights violations, among others. And as these issues directly affect individuals, especially the most vulnerable populations, the concept of international security is strictly related to military issues, it becomes increasingly insufficient to explain these new international issues. On this basis, this work will address the conditions and the theoretical debates during the Cold War, which enabled the development of the concept of Human Security in the 90's. Moreover, the text will present their discussions and criticism of the proposed Human Security.

This paper examined the nature of internal security problems of African States using Nigeria as a case study. The paper sought to identify the plethora of security challenges confronting Nigeria with specific emphasis on the Niger Delta Crises, Kidnapping in the South-East geo-political zone, Jos Crises and Boko Haram Crises in the Northern part of Nigeria. The study investigated the extent to which man-tailored internal security problems impacted negatively or otherwise on socio-economic development of the Nigerian State, especially since 1999. The study adopted secondary data as its methodological orientation. The result of the analyses revealed that the national security policy of Nigeria which internal security is a sub-unit was weak to tackle violent security problems that confronted the country. This was partly because, policy makers lacked requisite knowledge to formulate robust internal security policies and effective strategies to mitigate insurgencies in the country. Rather, ad hoc security outfits have continued to dominate internal security governance in Nigeria since 1999. Therefore, the paper recommended among others, the need for recruitment of well-educated, versatile, honest and committed policy makers for the country through credible electoral process.

This chapter discusses the relationship between China and global security. Since the 1980s, the landscape of global security has transformed and, accordingly, China has redefined its concept of security, first contending that the risk of global confrontation and, in particular, military threats to China had significantly reduced in the 1980s and, secondly, by proposing the New Security Concept in the 1990s. Moreover, China was welcomed internationally for its increasing contribution to international security by participating in United Nations peacekeeping operations. In the second decade of the twenty-first century, however, a number of events have occurred which have adversely affected global security. Ultimately, the question of how to deal with global security concerns that stem from the rise of China is part of a far-reaching process on how a rising China treats, and is treated in, the international legal order. As such, the chapter addresses the following issues: What is the international security landscape in relation to a rising China? How has China transformed its traditional conception of sovereignty in order to engage with international security? Should any new legal regulations be considered to address security threats in relation to a rising China? Should legal means exclusively be relied on to address international security?

Aripiprazole Diminishes Cannabis Use in Schizophrenia

OBJECTIVE: To assess the association between self reported drug abuse and syphilis and gonorrhoea among pregnant women, Jefferson County, Alabama, United States, 1980-94. STUDY DESIGN: We analysed a prenatal care...

Abstract:The essay analyses the role of NATO in the post-Cold War period by conducting a comparison of the cases of NATO's operations in Kosovo and Libya. The article reveals the enhanced weight of the Alliance member states and the European countries' active role in protecting their regional interests and also show how the state interests of the USA and Russia played a significant role in the two cases. This analysis of the behavioral patterns of the former Cold War adversaries could provide a useful interpretation and perhaps an explanation of the current events in Ukraine. The pursuit of power continues to dominate the international relations arena as the confrontation between the USA and Russia is far from over.Keywords: European security, power politics, geopolitical influence, national interest.IntroductionEuropean security has a rich history of violent and destructive conflicts. It has gone through countless state-to-state wars, two World Wars, the ideological confrontation of the two superpowers during the Cold War period, and the new threats of terrorism and ethnic violence in the modem era. In the twenty-first century, Europeans face a number of new security challenges, such as regional conflicts and genocide, terrorism, economic, technological and energy issues, all of which affect European security.With the end of the Cold War, NATO experienced a major transformation. The Alliance's decision-makers acknowledged that, with the disappearance of the Soviet Union, new threats had emerged. It was essential for European security that NATO should develop a strategy for tackling future security threats. This strategy engaged NATO in numerous assignments that would ensure the protection of western-projected democracy.In other words, NATO remains the main factor for European and regional security. The Alliance's recent missions and expansion could lead the organization even to a global role in the future. NATO stands as a pillar of European security and defends western values and interests.As international security is the most important global issue there are several political theories that emphasize the importance of providing better comprehension. The understanding of global security matters has been best explained by the international relations theory of realism.1 According to this theory, which has long dominated the study of international relations:Despite the end of the cold war, the basic structure of the international system remains largely unchanged. States are still the key actors in world politics, and they continue to operate in an anarchic system.2Its explanations of security competition among great powers remain applicable and provide a logical explanation to the events in the international arena nowadays. The traditional security focus on nation-states and power remain central for international relations regardless of all the changes in the global order in the last 60 years.3 Despite being strongly criticized after the end of the Cold War, realism should not be underestimated or neglected for international relations. Realism can offer a lot to political analysts because the major powers will continue to compete for supremacy and wars will continue to occur.This essay analyzes the role of NATO in the post-Cold War period and the importance of how powerful states' interests are concerned, mainly the USA and Russia. Within this framework, the cases of the Kosovo crisis and the Libya uprising will be compared. European security was threatened in similar ways during these two conflicts. Although violations of human rights and crimes against humanity were the official reasons for the military interventions of NATO, the present article will also show how these conflicts affected the interests of the major NATO members and of Russia.It will be argued that state interests and competition between the major powers in the global arena remained essential and that the USA and Russia took similar approaches to resolve the European security crisis without disregarding their national interests. …

The EU as an area of “freedom, security and justice”, faces a number of internal security concerns, such as organised crime, terrorism and illegal immigration which require external measures to combat them effectively. Limited progress has been made in the four dimensions of externalisation of EU internal security (the integration of internal security objectives into EU external relations strategy, cooperation with third countries, capacity building in third countries and common action within international organisations) and the EU must continue to expand its capabilities to use external measures to help solve internal security challenges. The Treaty of Lisbon and the 2010–14 Stockholm Programme are both likely to foster further externalisation of EU internal security objectives, but whether this becomes reality will depend to a large degree on the Commission's Action Plan.