Проблемы мировоззрения глазами обучающихся Крайнего Севера

This study explores a philosophical counseling approach to mourning for families bereaved by suicide, grounded in Karl Jaspers’ concept of worldview (Weltanschauung). The intense psychological distress experienced by suicide survivors is often rooted in culturally, ethically, and religiously reinforced belief systems. These belief systems, when internalized as absolute truths, form rigid worldviews that constrain emotional processing and healing. Drawing on Jaspers’ early work, Psychology of Worldviews, this paper argues that such suffering arises from the entanglement of subjective attitudes toward life and objective world images, both of which constitute an individual’s worldview. By examining the interplay between subjective “attitudes”(Einstellungen) - represented by personal experience, capacity, and conviction—and objective “world images” (Weltbilder) - perceived as universal truths—this study analyzes the structure and formation of worldviews as defined by the “life of the spirit”(Leben des Geistes). It further investigates how these fixed worldviews develop over time, often reinforcing shame, guilt, and emotional paralysis in bereaved families. Through the lens of philosophical counseling, the paper proposes a path toward liberation: challenging inherited, rigid worldviews surrounding suicide and guiding survivors toward the possibility of a renewed, spiritually grounded, and self-compassionate perspective. Ultimately, this approach aims to foster healing by enabling individuals to transcend limiting beliefs, protect themselves from self-directed emotional violence, and reclaim inner freedom.

There is a common understanding in much of the Western world that, before the advent of second-wave feminism in the late twentieth century, women were restricted to a ‘private’ sphere of home and family, and the ‘public’ sphere of politics, economics, business, war, education and culture was predominantly the domain of men. Feminist historians hoping to chart the move by women from the private to the public sphere have, however, complicated any clear binary between the public and private spheres, redefining concepts such as ‘work’ and ‘politics’ in the process. Recent feminist work in economic history shows that women have always had many roles in the ‘public’ sphere, particularly in the world of commerce.

This article studies the transformations of the narrative of ‘the Vision of the New Middle East’ as a political myth in Israel from its conception in the early 1990s to this date. Borrowing its analytic framework from Georges Sorel's concept of political myth, the article opens by offering a narrative analysis of the paradigmatic vision, as formulated by Shimon Peres (then Israel's Foreign Minister). The article goes on to trace the reception of this narrative and the uses made of it in two of the main arenas of the Israeli political and public spheres: the Knesset (the Israeli parliament) and the mainstream Hebrew press. The article argues that, while ‘the New Middle East’ has become an idiomatic phrase synonymous to peace, a closer look at its appearances in the Israeli public and political spheres suggests that the uses and transformations of ‘the New Middle East’ in effect signal its failure to become a politically mobilizing myth or image. Instead, this notion has become an icon of a utopian, abstract, and rather apolitical notion of peace in the Middle East. This case study thus suggests an interesting lesson as to the potential and limitations of using peace as a mobilizing political myth.

The formation of the cadets' professional worldview is a key factor determining their future effectiveness and ability to perform assigned tasks. A professional worldview is a fundamental foundation with a deep understanding of the role and importance of further service, which underlines the relevance of the research topic. The article is devoted to the analysis of the professional worldview of cadets of educational institutions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation (hereinafter – the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia). It examines the main conceptual approaches to understanding the essence and structure of the professional worldview, as well as identifies the key components that shape it among future employees of the internal affairs bodies of the Russian Federation. Special attention is paid to the influence of the educational environment, social and cultural environment on the formation of professional attitudes of cadets. The subject of this research is the concept, essence and structure of the cadets' worldview, as well as the factors influencing its formation and development. The object of the research is the professional worldview of cadets of educational institutions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. The research methodology is based on an integrated approach. The analysis of the scientific literature allowed us to study the existing theoretical views related to the professional worldview, as well as to consider their application in educational organizations of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. The content analysis of the training programs contributed to the identification of methods for the formation of professional attitudes. The interviewing method was used to understand the processes influencing the formation of a professional worldview. The main conclusion of the conducted research is the substantiation of the relevance and importance of the formation of the professional worldview of cadets in the educational process of universities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. The author's contribution to the research of the topic is the analysis of the concept, essence and structure of the professional worldview of cadets of educational organizations of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia; an attempt is made to reveal the key elements that form and develop this phenomenon, as well as the factors influencing its formation and effectiveness. The novelty of the research lies in clarifying the concept of "professional worldview of cadets of educational institutions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia", presenting the author's interpretation of the structure of the professional worldview of cadets of universities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, as well as in describing the recommendations and results of work aimed at forming a professional worldview. The results of the research can be useful for teachers, psychologists, and specialists involved in training personnel for law enforcement agencies of the Russian Federation, as well as for further scientific research in the field of education and professional training.

Women Novelists and the French Revolution Debate: Novelizing the Revolution/ Revolutionizing the Novel Gary Kelly It is now accepted that the French Revolution was a cultural as well as political event, or rather that Revolutionary politics were enacted in cultural ways, among others.1 Yet fictionalizations of the Revolution might still seem either tangential to its political realities or a submission of literature, which is supposedly transhistorical, to mere temporality, in the form of propaganda. In fact much writing of the time remains outside the modern literary canon for precisely this reason.2 Even critical opinion of the time saw the novel as an unpromising vehicle for serious discussion of political ideas, let alone ideas inspired by an event that was considered historically unprecedented in its magnitude, consequences, and nature. Moreover, the novel was then widely if erroneously regarded as a "feminine" form, mainly read and written by women, and as a consequence outside the public, political sphere in which revolutions 1 See for example Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). 2 See Harriet Kramer Linkin, "The Current Canon in British Romantics Studies," College English 53:5 (Sept. 1991), 548-70. EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FICTION, Volume 6, Number 4, July 1994 370 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FICTION occurred.3 On the other hand, the polarization of the political and the literary that underwrites such judgments originated in reaction to the Revolution, and was part of an elevation of the literary over the political that masks its own political character and the political character of art. It could also be argued, after Mikhail Bakhtin, that "novelization," or the creation of a polyvocal, democratic, dialogical discursive order in place of authoritative, authoritarian, monological ones, was the project both of the Revolution and the novel.4 Thus fictionalizing Revolutionary themes and issues, whether directly or indirectly, would be a way of participating in the Revolution. Furthermore , the subordinate cultural status of the novel and its female writers and readers would make it apt for "novelizing" the literary and discursive order of the time, by introducing the marginal into the centre . Though novels were in fact produced and read equally by women and men, albeit with different inflections, there were cultural grounds for characterizing the novel as "feminine," accounting for its potential as oppositional discourse. By the nature of its claims, the Revolution not only invited "novelizing"—in Bakhtin's sense and as novelistic representation of Revolutionary events, characters, and ideas; the Revolution also enabled and even required revolutionizing of the novel, thematically and formally, in order that it might carry out these tasks. More important, by the outbreak of the Revolution certain kinds of novel had long been implicated in the cultural, social, and political critique that the Revolution embodied. Since the seventeenth century, at least, certain kinds of prose fiction had dealt with private relationships and domestic scenes of life. The domestic or feminine sphere was represented as authentic in contrast to the illusions and relativities of the masculine or public sphere, especially under court government, thereby making domestic fiction into oppositional writing. Varieties of anti-romance represented "reality" in a different set of modes to counter courtly culture, including picaresque low life, satire exposing courtly artifice , and the knowingly super-courtly, or decadent. These kinds of fiction, like those representing private and domestic life, were anti-courtly simply by implying that "reality" and "authenticity" lay elsewhere than at court. The same ideological and cultural work could be accomplished by both The English Rogue (1665-71) and La Princesse de Clèves (1678, in 3 See John Tinnon Taylor, Early Opposition to the English Novel: The PopularReactionfrom 1760 to 1830 (New York: King's Crown Press, 1943). 4 Mikhail M. Bakhtin, The Dialogical Imagination: Four Essays, ed. Michael Holquist, trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981). REVOLUTIONIZING THE NOVEL 371 English 1679), and by both The New Atlantis (1709) and Moll Flanders (1722). These varieties of fiction were modifed in the middle third of the eighteenth century, as Enlightenment theorists proposed models of "civil society " to revolutionize the public and political sphere by removing it from court hegemony and imbuing...

Representation has been an integral part of the political sphere for ages. Representation has to is physical in nature and therefore, the Buddhist philosophy analyzes its intricate dependence on the nature of consciousness. It may be observed that the political sphere, when interrogated through the aspects of shared aspirations, becomes more pertinent as to how the ‘shared aspiration’ becomes an essential means, which is codependent on the resolve to espouse equality. A united decision process in power politics is aimed at getting a driving seat, however, through what consciousness it is achieved is a matter of choices that are largely collective in nature but at the same time they are detrimental to the ethos of equality and equitable behavior. In the public sphere, when deeply rooted in hierarchy, the entire ethos of political equality becomes a mute spectator and never becomes a condition of consciousness to choose and exercise one’s choice based on rationality. The perceptual inferences direct towards creating a realm of consciousness that come from the stored consciousness which a citizen of the republic of the Government of India always derives by claiming a tradition of the sacred. The aspect of mind-consciousness as has been elucidated in the Abhidharmakoṣasangraha, Vasubandhu explains the inference through sensory perceptions having five sensory organs and adds reading or understanding through the five sensory organs as an independent organ of perception (i.e. mind, hence a mind-consciousness). He further adds that Ālayavijnana (stored consciousness) is the ground, or base, of the seventh consciousness. Thus politically to remain aloof from constitutional morality is an ingrained factoring thought process that creates hindrances to create any kind of enabling process. It is in this context that Ambedkar’s definition of rule and principles is an essential tool that forbids to create political consciousness of rationality and aspirations to become ‘samyak’. The larger idea of a Hindu nation functions like a communitarian intentionality to be imposed and is located in factoring presuppositions. The nature of cause and effect gets manifested through the ballot box democracy is a testimony of consciousness of being adherence to Ambedkar and anti-Ambedkar political consciousness. This chapter investigates the consciousness of the public political sphere to see electoral democracy in the past and future looking at religious invocations.

El conflicto actual entre mundo occidental y el “terrorismo islamista” es algo que va mucho más allá del problema que supone la violencia —trágica y dolorosa— que ejercen y en la que se basan estos grupos. Efectivamente, la brecha que divide a estos grupos de nuestras sociedades es civilizatoria: se sustenta en diferentes y antagónicas propuestas sobre cómo debe organizarse la vida social. En este sentido, el choque es entre una modernidad occidental y un modelo de organización social —también moderno— que no separa lo político, lo religioso, o social, etc. Sin embargo, los conceptos políticos occidentales “secularizados” siguen siendo de corte teológico: de aquí un choque de “civilizaciones”, entendidas como diferentes modelos de organización de lo social y de lo político­.

The globalization of the modern information world has led to the adoption of media culture in virtually all areas of human life – manufacturing, the public sphere, education, communication, and the arts. Media connections are formed between all social structures, countries, different communities. It is through mass communication that the process of rooting values and behaviors that dominate society at a certain time takes place. In the proposed article, the author argues that at the present stage particular importance is gained by the involvement of an individual in the media culture in the context of preparing young people to interact with the complex information world. It is determined that these processes are important for the professional training of translators, because very often they are representatives of contemporary Ukrainian culture in the world. It is proved that the training of modern specialists requires from them mastering of a whole range of competences - from traditional language to modern information ones. This is justified by the fact that future translation specialists must have up-to-date information technologies in order to ensure high-level translation activities. The modern standards of higher professional pedagogical education mark that the graduating students of pedagogical educational establishments must be aware of the methods of search, treatment and use of information; be able her to interpret and adapt addressees in accordance with queries. The marked intercommunications of mediaeducation and professional preparation of future translator are examined as important constituents of his/her professional competence. Analytical activity of a future translator in relation to mediatext provides for : finding out of conformities to law of construction of mediatext on the whole; immersion in logic of the authorial thinking; reconstruction of conception to the author of a mediatext; determination of the own point of view in relation to a concrete work of mediaculture. Theoretical preparation of future translators in the context of tasks of mediaeducation necessarily includes different questions in relation to co-operation of medias of the world in the society, theory and history of mediaculture. An informative supply in industry of theory and history of mediaeducation will form the ground not only for successful communicative practice in industry of medias, but also for creation of the own programs of educational orientation medias in the future process of independent pedagogical work at school. The specificity of professional training of future translators in pedagogical institutions of higher learning predetermines the special attention to the development of professional knowledge and abilities that teachers need for perfecting their own pedagogical culture. Such professional knowledge and abilities can be marked by such indexes: motivational (reasons of mediaeducational activity; aspiring to perfecting one’s own knowledge of media); informative (a level of being informed; pedagogical knowledge of the media industry); methodical (methodical abilities in the sphere of mediaeducation); activity (quality of medias of educational activity); creativity (a level of the creative elements in media educational activity). Translator that received media education in an institution of higher learning will be able: to encourage students, develop a desire to formulate the problem questions concerning media; use in teaching the research methodology aimed at the organization of independent search of information in media by students for substantiating certain questions; help students to develop skills in relation to the use of various sources of mediainformation; organize discussions in the process of students’ learning to listentolerantlyand tactfully to othersand to express their own opinion. Development of pedagogical terms of application of mediaeducation in the process of professional training of future translators at the initial stage requires the study of the real practice of intercommunication of modern student youth and mediaculture.

Розглянуто поняття, зміст, суб’єкти та об’єкт правового виховання. Охарактеризовано його мету та забезпечення правовиховного впливу в управлінській діяльності державних службовців. Визначено кризові умови, які безпосередньо впливають на процес правового виховання та розглянуто завдання і напрями оптимізації правового виховання в сучасних умовах.

This paper reflects on the opportunity to take steps in the direction of proposing international systems of subjective social indicators of children’s and adolescents’ well-being. In order to contextualize such a reflection, a brief summary of the historical and epistemological foundations of the concept of social indicators, and of some of the controversies associated with the research results during the first decades of its existence, is made. Such foundations, research results and consequent debates have mostly been developed considering only adult populations, but they are reviewed here to explore research goals in relation to children’s and adolescents’ well-being and to link these goals to political action and decision making and the evaluation of its impact. The lack of internationaly comparable subjective data on children’s and adolescents’ well-being at the macro level may be related, among other things, to the lack of political importance given to the younger population’s point of view and to the lack of consistent or convincing research at a micro-level indicating what data-collection instruments are appropriate for making cross-national or cross-cultural comparisons. However, at present, research on children’s and adolescents’ own points of view about their living conditions—although still in its early stages and very heterogeneous—is already showing rapid advances and even provocative and unexpected results, of which a few examples are given. Tested instruments are already available, but systematic data collection is still scarce, and comparable data to be used for international comparisons is infrequent. Systematic data collection of children’s and adolescents’ perceptions, evaluations and aspirations that can be used as subjective social indicators requires political will, associated with the conviction that such data can be useful for decision-making and for evaluating social change. An increasing international interest in children’s rights to social participation seems to be an opportunity to promote links with research on childrens’ and adolescents’ well-being, both objective and subjective. Having an overall panorama of all these elements may be helpful to guide debates on what research is still needed and on what are the major challenges to be faced when offering research data to policy makers and to the public opinion.

The article discusses questions concerning the cultural public sphere in relation to empirical material from a media ethnography of young menąs use of extremely violent action and horror films on video, and how the young men’s cultural practices, including media reception and film swapping, relates to their cultural production in the form of fanzines and amateur video films. The aim is to analyse this practice of film swapping, fanzine writing and amateur video making, in terms of cultural publicness, in order to shed light on those micro processes of communication that result in the formation of public spheres of various kinds. In the first part of the article some theoretical implications of the concepts cultural and political public spheres are discussed. Then follows a discussion on the internal communicative patterns within this alternative cultural public sphere, organised informally around fanzines and amateur video festivals. The dynamic relation between this alternative public sphere and other public formations, alternative as well as dominating or bourgeois, is then dealt with, and the different approaches among the various individuals is discussed. This is then followed by a discussion on the alternative cultural public’s relation to the market and state systems. Lastly, some general conclusions are drawn, covering the need to analytically separate cultural and political public spheres in order not to forget the task of the cultural public in mediating between market system and lifeworld, and thus not to dismiss the political implications of the cultural.

Introduction to Newsreel 55:Which Side Are You On? Maja Krajnc In the cinema of independent Slovenia (considered in the field of film history to be a segment of post-Yugoslav cinema), documentary film has lately been gaining ground. While Filmografija slovenskih celovečernih filmov: 1931–2010 (Film-ography of Slovenian feature films: 1931–2010) contains only one documentary title made between the end of World War II and 1991, in recent years the situation has changed to the point that the main awards at the Festival of Slovenian Film, or Festival Slovenskega Filma, have gone to feature-length documentaries. The first title to receive such an award was Miran Zupanič's Otroci s Petrička (Children from Petriček Hill, 2007), a documentary about attempts at ideological indoctrination after World War II that had not spared even the youngest inhabitants of Slovenia. In 2014, the main award went to Siniša Gačić's Boj za (A fight for), which deals with the expansion and subsequent disintegration of the Slovenian version of the Occupy movement. Among the documentaries of more recent date, we come across works of highly diverse content, vision, and approaches, focused both on important social questions and on various aspects of individuality in the forms of subjective or first-person documentary. But the common denominator of these films is still in the endeavor to, on the one hand, right the wrongs of the (recent) past and, on the other hand, to draw attention to the current problems in the social and political sphere. In the broadest sense, such documentaries belong to the framework of political film, with the most radical ones expressing their commitment both at the level of content and in the questioning of the formal determinations with which they probe social reality. An example of such a documentary is Newsreel 55 (Nika Autor, 2013), which Andrej Šprah considers one of the most important recent developments in Slovenian filmmaking, specifically in the sphere of committed political documentary film. In the text that follows, Šprah examines this film project, created collectively by the Newsreel Front under the leadership of Nika Autor. Autor is a cineaste and visual artist who entered the film world in 2010 by exploring the refugee question and the restrictive asylum policies in Slovenia with her short Postcards and the feature-length Report on the State of Asylum Seekers in the Republic of Slovenia, January 2008–August 2009. She continued her documentary engagement with In the Land of Bears (2012), a feature-length work presenting the struggle of the exploited and humiliated seasonal workers from Bosnia and Herzegovina in Slovenia. The film shows the difficult position of workers with virtually no rights who, having been left without pay or any social rights, organized themselves in an activist initiative of invisible [End Page 95] workers of the world and strove to right the wrongs committed by the exploitative Slovenian employers and state. In Newsreel 55, which deals with current political events through a revitalization of the newsreel genre, Nika Autor expanded her individual commitment and joined forces with Marko Bratina, Jurij Meden, and Ciril Oberstar, who all work in the fields of theory and art, to establish the Newsreel Front collective. In his discussion of the film Newsreel 55, Šprah analyzes in detail various forms of newsreels as types of oppositional film practices through the perspective of political documentary. He shows how the revitalization of certain initiatives and formal elements of the past can establish the possibility for a cinema of active resistance along with a reflective approach that addresses social reality and at the same time reflects on the status of current political documentaries in Slovenia—and the world. On the one hand, the theoretical framework of Šprah's study coincides with the references we come across in the film itself. This is the case, for example, with Walter Benjamin's concept of the dialectical image as an examination of the "real image of the past"; with Georges Didi-Huberman's questioning of the (im)possibility of representing the most chilling traumatic facts of the past in his "Four Pieces of Film Snatched from Hell"; and with Bertolt Brecht, whose critique of capitalism...

The article studies the process of changing religious policy in the context of socio-political reforms of the 1980s; analyzes the factors that contributed to the soviet religious policy and the impact of the policy’s changes on the religious life of the 1990s. It discusses the period when Russian society was continuing to looking for a consensus on the role of religion in the public and political spheres. Based on the state archives materials (The State archive of the Russian Federation and The Russian State archive of modern history) this research aims to identify the functions of the Union and Republican Councils for religious Affairs as the key institutions implementing religious policy. The author comes to the conclusion that the 1980s religious policy was manifested in the conceptual rethinking of the place of religion in everyday discourse. Changes in religious policy have caused not only a development of the relationship between the state and the faithful. They contributed to the new phenomena of soviet society, for example, certain religious groups, previously recognized as “extremist”, have become actively involved in the legal field and “normal” social activities. An important event was the celebration a millennium since the 988 Baptism of Rus’ when Gorbachev received Patriarch Pimen and other Holy Synod members inside the Kremlin. The transition to new forms and methods of interaction with religious institutions was realized. The faith reemerged into the public sphere and believers engaged in charity, education, mission and publishing. As a result of the resurgence of religious freedom and the democratization of the legal regulation regarding religious organizations was the adoption in 1990 of the new law “On freedom of conscience and religious organizations”.

The focal point of this article is to critically analyze Taslima Nasrin’s Lajja (Shame, 1993) and to focus on the significant impact of geopolitics and religious fundamentalism on society to address the question of identity in the context of religion and nationality. The novel portrays the socio-cultural problems that emerged from the massacre of the masjid Babri and the consequent attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh. The Datta family experiences racial displacement amid rising waves of religious terrorism targeting minority Hindus. The paper examines how their sense of self is tested and transformed in the face of these events. This paper thoroughly examines Lajja, focusing on the impact of religious prejudice and its consequences in the social and political sphere through Geopolitical theory. It also offers a significant analysis of how religious extremists can exploit religion to create divisions within societies and marginalize certain. The novel's narrative makes it timeless and relevant, highlighting the significance of fostering harmony and understanding among diverse beliefs within communities, particularly about the divisions caused by religious and philosophical conflicts. This contributes significantly to the context of religious acceptance in contemporary literature. The paper examines how their sense of self is tested and transformed in the face of these events, focusing on the impact of religious prejudice and its consequences in the social and political sphere. It also offers a significant analysis of how religious extremists can exploit religion to create divisions within societies and marginalize certain.

Bu çalışma, Timur etrafındaki Otman Baba ve Şeyh Bedreddin isimli iki şeyhi konu edinmektedir. Günümüzde Otman Baba ve Şeyh Bedreddin’in isimleri kendilerine bağlı topluluklarca hala anılmaktadır. Otman Baba Velayetnamesinin verdiği bilgiye göre Timur ile Horasan’dan Rum diyarına gelmiştir. Şeyh Bedreddin ise Tebriz’de Timur ile görüşmüştür. Her iki şeyhin menakıbında, Timur’dan bahsedilmekte ve Timur ile ilişkileri hakkında bilgi verilmektedir. Timur ve Yıldırım Beyazıd arasındaki Ankara Savaşı ile değerlendirilen siyasi ve askeri ilişki, tarafların kendi dünya görüşlerine göre belirlenmiş bir aktarıma sahiptir. Siyasi ve askeri aktarımın dışında Timur’un Anadolu’ya hareketinde yanında birçok âlim ve şeyh ile hareket ettiği ya da onun ile birçok âlim ve şeyhin görüştüğü kaynaklarda yer almaktadır. Bu husus alanın sorunlu kısmına işaret etmekte ve bu sorunun aşılmasına katkı sağlamaktadır. Timur ile birlikte hareket eden ve yer değiştiren sosyal çevre ve yaşadıkları mekan, alanın daha geniş ve çerçeveli olduğuna dikkat çekebilecek bir örnek sunmaktadır. Buna göre Otman Baba ve Şeyh Bedreddin, Timur zamanında yaşamış ve Timur sonrasında birçok faaliyet yürütmüştür. Otman Baba Velayetnamesinin verdiği bilgiye göre Timur ile Horasan’dan gelmiş ve metindeki tek bir cümleyle Anadolu’nun Horasan ile ilişkisini sürdürdüğüne vurgu yapılmıştır. Otman Baba’nın seyahati ve güzergahı dikkate alınacak olursa Horasan irfanı Azerbaycan’da devam ettirilmiş ve Anadolu’ya ulaşmıştır. Bununla birlikte Timur dönemi ve sonrasında Horasan, Azerbaycan ve Anadolu’da ortaya çıkan sufi veya dini hareketler içerisinde Şeyh Bedreddin hareketi önemli bir yere sahiptir. Şeyh Bedreddin hareketi, siyasi ve idari düşünce ve anlayışın tartışıldığı ve farklı bir anlayışın icra edildiği yeni bir dönemin başlangıcı olmuştur. Anahtar Kelimeler: Timur, Ankara Savaşı, Otman Baba, Şeyh Bedreddin, Rum Diyarı - Anadolu.