種姓、創傷與愛的政治：阿蘭達蒂‧洛伊的《微物之神》

The ancient Vedic society believed in the “hierarchical order of food chain” and believed it was a natural phenomenon. These hierarchies are a result of “rationalization and justification of caste system through nature.” Food is a “metaphor for cultural hierarchies in India” (Guru 1). These hierarchies are, as Dr. B.R. Ambedkar pointed out: “those who do not eat flesh (at the top), those who eat non-vegetarian food other than beef (in the middle) and those who eat beef (at the bottom).” This hierarchy represents the Indian caste system and it is graded into four castes, i.e., Brahmins (priests) at the top, followed by Kshatriyas (warriors), Vaishyas (merchants), and Shudras (labor), respectively. Dalits are untouchables and are outside the caste system. So, if Brahmins are at the top of the hierarchy, Dalits are at the bottom. The justification and rationalization transpire from the notion that the habitats occupied by each caste are for their natural utilization, which helps to stabilize the community as well as the ecosystem. Contrary to this, land in Indian society is hierarchized. The Brahmins have always been at the center of the village where the temple is situated and the Dalits pushed to the edges. The landscape of Dalit territory was mostly barren and contributed to their enslaved way of life due to the lack of resources for cultivating food. Although I agree with Sharma’s viewpoint on the reasons behind the continuation of the caste system, I propose it is also the result of the intersection between food, landscape, and caste that has cemented the caste system in Indian society. In this paper I will analyze Dalit food narratives through Dalit literature—poetry, fiction, and memoirs—and argue that food, landscape, and caste are inextricably interwoven, and that this has contributed to the continuation of the caste system in India.

The objective of this research paper is to prominence the concealed reality of Indian social system and the suppression of low class people in India. The caste system has spread its roots deep in Indian society. The constitution of Indian society, with its hierarchy is an ideal place to better realize the practice of oppression. Lower class throughout the longest conventional Indian hierarchy and members of the lower castes and classes have usually born to force the repression generated by the Indian communal structure. Premchand is generally considers the greatest Hindi writer. Premchand was also a social reformer. The remarkable characteristic of his writing was the reality that he depicted as exploitation of poor people. He gave the massage on social evils like dowry, poverty, communalism and corruption. He was the first writer of twenty century to reflect reality in the literature.

It is widely acknowledged that Indian society is still significantly plagued, not only by jāti itself, but also omnipresent caste-ridden politics. The aim of this essay is to analyze this social structure in terms of contemporary Indian democracy and explore how it is perceived and evaluated inside of India. I address questions of whether the word democracy is suitable for a country whose society is hierarchically organized, in which the egalitarian tradition remains very limited. This article contributes to the understanding of the coexistence of these seemingly contradicting concepts – Indian caste and democracy. In this article, I elaborate highly influential Dumont’s theory of caste along with two different research studies of Indian scholars. My interpretation is also based on two months of field research during my voluntary work in north-western India in 2016/2017.

B. R. Ambedkar’s original research on the caste system in India is an unexplored area. In this article, an attempt has been made to appreciate the views of Ambedkar on the origin of the caste system in India and the relationship of the anthropological milieu of the United States of America during the time of Franz Boas in shaping his thoughts. Ambedkar gave importance on the endogamy of caste superimposed on tribal exogamy, and he maintained an academic detachment from his painful personal experiences, while presenting his seminar paper on caste at Columbia University, USA.

The caste system in India has been an integral part of social hierarchy over the centuries. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869-1948) and Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891-1956) are among the prominent figures of modern India. They are cherished for their strength of character, integrity, honesty, frankness, fearlessness, willpower and sympathy especially for untouchables. Both leaders have a vision for the emancipation of the oppressed but their paths were different. The paper attempts to give an account of the huge contribution Gandhi and Ambedkar made for the emancipation of untouchability. The paper also analyzed the convergence and the differences in the ideology of two leaders towards emancipation of deprived ‘others’. The two towering personalities made a great contribution for the cause of scheduled castes that is in the constitution of India, the fundamental rights including equality before law that is applicable to all citizens of India, irrespective of caste and creed. Ambedkar symbolizes the radical intellectual, the revolutionary and the Messiah of marginalized class. Whereas Gandhi looks like liberal comprador spokesman of the Hindu upper caste mainstream of self-contradictory nature. Rather than negotiate his Dalit perception and self-respect, Ambedkar chosen to quit the Hindu religion. While as Gandhi had faith in that the Dalit’s emancipation was possible only if they continued in Hindu fold.

ditional Indian Society, social stratification was based on system of caste which determined hereditarily fixed differential occupations for members. Davis1 maintains that Indian caste system in its perfection is an ideal type and because of its inherent contradiction, system has not been absolute. No social system can remain static and this applies equally to caste. Thus it is plausible that some changes have been taking place in caste structure over years. Industrialization with its attendant urbanization has initiated marked changes in Indian social structure in urban centers during last two decades. Mobility from traditionally rooted village residences to towns and cities tends to undermine rigidity and stability of caste system. Urban centers do not have a congenial social setting for observance of caste ritual and perpetuation of caste occupations. Social control is more or less absent and strict adherence to and adoption of hereditary occupations has become less obligatory. Numerous industrial and specialized occupations which demand education and training rather than birth are available in urban areas. This facilitates transitional process and rural-urban migrants tend to abandon their caste occupations and enter into urban industrial vocations. Davis argues that one of three aspects of caste especially susceptible to influence of Western technology is, the association between occupation and caste.2 He adds that old occupations have tended to disappear and new ones to emerge with introduction of technology. No longer can occupation be based exclusively on birth and caste. The new social structure that is emerging as a result of occupational change is not without its social hierarchy. But occupational placement and social stratification according to birth tend to disappear. As in an industrial society, we may expect people to be stratified according to either their income, occupation, or education, or a combination of any or all of these three criteria. Ghurye, who has made intensive studies of caste and class, says, Considering similarity of caste system with estates system, it is but natural that its transformation should install harmonious structure of social classes as was case with Britain's estates system.3 Davis, too, visualizes this trend when he declares of caste, It shows every sign of turning into a system of class.4 These two statements were made as far back as 1950 and since then Indian social organization in general, and caste in particular, have witnessed tremendous upheaval and change. Caste and class structures cannot be expected to be identical because criteria for placement in two hierarchies are entirely different. One is born into a caste and therefore it is an ascribed status. Income, education, and occupation, main criteria for class position, have to be earned and so class is an achieved status. Hence a continuation of caste ranks within emerging class system is not probable and a correlation of caste and class structures cannot be anticipated. Our concern in present paper is to test above theoretical 1 Kingsley Davis, Human Society, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1959, pp. 382-385. 2 Kingsley Davis, The Population of India and Pakistan, Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1951, p. 173. 3 G. S. Ghurye, Caste and Class in India, Bombay: The Popular Book Depot, 1950, p. 228. 4 Davis, op. cit., p. 176.

A gender-based theory of the origin of the caste system of India

Family and sexual relations is one of the most unique relationships in any society where marriage begins. Marriage has a history as old as humanity as one of the most important foundations ofhuman life is accepted. In this regard, women and men can experience the most complex and deepest feelings that may not be possible in any relationship. This important event at the same time as the easiest and most romantic stage life cycle described. (Carter & Mac Goldrik, 1980; quoting thenazari & Navabinejad, 2006). This allows the couple's marital relationship with each other to discuss and exchange ideas, solve their problems and become aware of the needs. Relationships in family life warm and friendly interpersonal interactions that lead to the growth and development of individuals, including goals and requirements of marriage. However, there is evidence that couples severe and pervasive problems maintaining romantic relationships and intimate experience (Hamidi, 2008). These problems can even lead to family breakdown and divorce. Evidence shows that about half of today's marriages end in divorce. After the divorce, about 65 percent of women and 70 percent of men and 50 percent of people who re-marry for the second time married, divorced again (Young & Long, 2005). Inherent and universal needs such as closeness, love, be loved, sex, devotion, attention to security through the presence of an adult human cell... to find a perfect invitation screw (Harvey, 2005; quoted Hussaini, 2010). Marital relations and intimacy is a key characteristic distinguishing feature is a successful marriage. This feature refers to the interaction between spouses stems. The absence or lack of a marital relationship is in turmoil index (Halford, 2005; translated Tabrizi & Kardani, 2008). The Costa and McCrae (1989) presented five principal areas for the introduction of characters that can have an impact on marital intimacy. They have introduced five big personality factors that are of biological fields, the behavioral differences related to the five-factor genes, brain structure and goes like that. The basic tendencies act and feel in particular preparation is not directly affected by environment. (John, Parvin, translation, Javadi, & Alderman, 2007). Along with marital intimacy and character features can be also named sexual self, sexual self-concept is a dynamic and active structure that is created through perceptions about the quality of sex (Deutsch, Hoffman, Wilcox, & Wilderdom, 2014). The sexual Selfconcept perceptions of their features in a sexual context as well (Aubrey, 2007). It should be noted sexual self-concept developed not only on the sexual experience, but men and women can be a variety of social interactions, such as family, sex education programs, media, friends and peers as well as learn (Wilderdom, 2003).Statistical societyThe study population consists of all married individuals living in northern Tehran in the second quarter of 93 are referred to counseling services.MethodThis research is a descriptive and correlational study isParticipantSampling in this study was multistage cluster sampling. Thus, first of psychology and counseling service centers north of Tehran, 6 centers were randomly selected. Then, between two shifts, morning and evening became the morning shift counseling centers during the four months of married patients were studied as an example. And demographic characteristics of the sample can be seen in the table below.InstrumentEstablishment of an instrument to collect data research is required to answer questions, and explain them. Therefore, in this study due to the nature of the question and its objectives, from 3 Personality Inventory, a questionnaire sexual self-Snell and Walker and Thompson intimacy questionnaire was used. 1: five personality factorMcCrae and kasta (1942) have introduced the Big Five personality: neuroticism, extroversion, empiricism (aperture), agreeableness and conscientiousness (conscientiousness). …

This Paper was read before the Anthropological Section of the Science Congress, which met in January 1923.

Brand love is a relationship between brands and consumers. Managing the relationship is an important issue for marketing strategy since it changes according to temporal flow. Brand love theories, including their dynamics, have been developed based on interpersonal romantic love theories. Although many brand love studies have provided useful findings, the neural mechanism of brand love remains unclear. Especially, its dynamics have not been considered from a neuroscience perspective. The present study addressed the commonalities and differentiations of activated brain regions between brand love and interpersonal romantic love relationships using a quantitative neuroimaging meta-analytic approach, from the view of brain connectivity. Regarding the mental processes of each love relationship related to these activated brain regions, decoding analysis was conducted using the NeuroQuery platform to prevent reverse inference. The results revealed that different neural mechanisms and mental processes were distinctively involved in the dynamics of each love relationship, although the anterior insula overlapped across all stages and the reinforcement learning system was driven between both love relationships in the early stage. Remarkably, regarding the distinctive mental processes, although prosocial aspects were involved in the mental processes of interpersonal romantic love relationships across all stages, they were not involved in the mental processes of brand love relationships. Conclusively, although common brain regions and mental processes between both love relationships were observed, neural mechanisms and mental processes in brand love relationship dynamics might be innately different from those in the interpersonal romantic love relationship dynamics. As this finding indicates essential distinctiveness between both these relationships, theories concerning interpersonal romantic love should be applied cautiously when investigating brand love relationship dynamics.

Caste in India is intricately and inevitably linked to multiple issues specifically in the context of intergroup relations and behaviours, and social inequality. Despite the perceived changes in the caste system and its manifestations, it is acknowledged that caste continues to exist in the Indian psyche as part of everyday life. An engagement with the ‘caste question’ as a matter of socio-psychological analysis has significance given the fact that caste involves social, cognitive and emotional elements that contribute to having different meanings for social groups, and generate different forms of affective and behavioural responses. With the recognition of the dearth of research on ‘psychology of caste’, this article attempts to provide insights into underlying socio-psychological processes in the persistence and pervasiveness of caste, and caste-based oppressive behaviours. Building on the recent debate and contestation on the transformations in caste, gaps in the mainstream psychological research on caste in India, and Ambedkar’s psychological expositions of caste, the article focuses on the issues of socio-psychological construction of caste, the protuberant manifestations of caste in the forms of caste-based discrimination and violence, and responses to such oppressive behaviours through the lens of socio-psychological frameworks. It is argued that changes in the expressions of caste in contemporary society influence the social cognition of caste groups to espouse varied responses. The increased resistance to the perceived ‘identity threats’ makes the social groups strive to strengthen their ‘collective identity’, in turn, sustaining the caste in contemporary society. The article calls for research to explore shades of caste from socio-psychological perspectives rather than looking at it primarily as a demographic variable. It also advocates for strategic psychological interventions using both legal and social tools at the societal level, with a specific focus on blurring ‘caste boundaries’ and breaking the ‘caste wall in mind’.

The history of the humanities suggests that no scholarly discipline or theory can function without the models and categories it generates and relies on. Since they are necessarily conditioned by the cultural and ideological context in which they are developed, however, they readily become distorting stereotypes. During its academic history, the academic study of religions has been formed by philosophical perspectives and worldviews drawn from Evolutionism, Positivism, Historicism, Scientific Atheism, Theology, and other schools of thinking. This article explores this use of stereotypes through the example of shifting perceptions of a different culture in the history of Czech understandings of Indian religions during the 20th century, on the basis of a critical analysis of Czech discourse about Indian religions in several academic disciplines: theology, philosophy, history, study of religions, sociology, etc. We see that the religions of India were repeatedly evaluated through stereotypes and a European colonial mindset of cultural values, such as the Western search for doctrinal order in the ‘Oriental chaos’, an emphasis on Western ‘activity’ as opposed to perceived Oriental ‘passivity’, or seeing Catholic hierarchy reflected in the Indian caste system. These stereotypes were also deeply entrenched in Czech popular understandings of Indian culture, despite the low levels of contact between Czech and Indian society. Both in academic and in popularized discourse, we can recognize the uncritical and mechanical adoption of models, categories and values from a Western European cultural framework rather than as a result of scholars’ empirical experience and scholarly evidence. Keywords: Czech Study of Religions, Indian Religions and Culture, Orientalism, Stereotypes

We examined event-contingent recording of daily interpersonal interactions in a diagnostically diverse sample of 101 psychiatric outpatients who were involved in a romantic relationship. We tested whether the unique effect of borderline personality disorder (BPD) symptoms on affective responses (i.e., hostility, sadness, guilt, fear, and positive affect) to perceptions of rejection or acceptance differed with one's romantic partner compared with nonromantic partners. BPD symptoms were associated with more frequent perceptions of rejection and less frequent perceptions of acceptance across the study. For all participants, perceptions of rejecting behavior were associated with higher within-person negative affect and lower within-person positive affect. As predicted, in interactions with romantic partners only, those with high BPD symptoms reported heightened hostility and, to a lesser extent, attenuated sadness in response to perceptions of rejection. BPD symptoms did not moderate associations between perceptions of rejection and guilt, fear, or positive affect across romantic and nonromantic partners. For all participants, perceived acceptance was associated with lower within-person negative affect and higher within-person positive affect. However, BPD symptoms were associated with attenuated positive affect in response to perceptions of accepting behavior in interactions with romantic partners only. BPD symptoms did not moderate associations between perceptions of acceptance and any of the negative affects across romantic and nonromantic partners. This study highlights the specificity of affective responses characteristic of BPD when comparisons are made with patients with other personality and psychiatric disorders. Implications for romantic relationship dysfunction are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record

The article examines the phenomenon of Navayana (Neo-Buddhism) created by Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891-1956) as an instrument of changing the social identity of the untouchables from the Mahar community. The problem of untouchability and vestiges of the caste system in India became more acute during the struggle for independence. To build a new Indian nation, it was necessary to include in its ranks all strata of Indian society, including communities of the so-called untouchables. The most interesting in this regard is the social project of B.R. Ambedkar, who tried, drawing on the history of the Mahar community on the one hand and the religious conversion on the other, to create a new social identity for the untouchables. Ambedkar advocated the complete destruction of the caste system in India and considered a complete break with Hinduism as the only opportunity for low castes to gain equal rights. Ambedkar saw the religious conversion as the only way of getting rid of untouchability.

According to the 2011 census in Tamil Nadu, out of a total population of 721.47 lakhs, 7.95 lakhs were scheduled tribes (STs), which constitutes about 1.1% of ST in Tamil Nadu and 0.8% of ST compared to the total ST population in India. A brief understanding of India's caste system and its evolution over time was required to determine caste-based discrimination. Hence, they are vulnerable and isolated due to this untouchability in the caste system. This study focuses on the quality of life (QOL) and caste discrimination among the tribal population of Chengalpattu district. Further, it provides suggestions to improve the QOL and to put an end to discrimination. It is a community-based cross-sectional study, conducted among 300 participants among the tribal population in Chengalpattu district by a systematic random sampling technique. The QOL scores were further converted into categorical variables by obtaining the mean score and dividing the group into those who got a score above the mean and those below the mean. They were labeled as good and poor QOL. More than half of them (52.7%) had poor QOL. Almost two-third of the workers had poor QOL in the social relationship (60.7%) and psychological (64%) domains, and nearly half in the physical (52.7%) and environmental (52.7%) domains. Out of 300 participants included in the analyses, 141 (47%) participants reported experiencing discrimination a few times a year/a few times a month. This study found that the tribal population in Chengalpattu district has poor social and psychological QOL compared to QOL in the environmental and physical domains. In spite of many government initiatives, a wide range of issues and problems are being faced by the tribals in India. Hence, we recommend strategies to improve the physical, social, and psychological well-being of this vulnerable population through strict legislation. The other component regarding discrimination concluded that caste but not socio-economic class is closely linked with perceived discrimination among the tribal population in Chengalpattu district and their responses to unfair treatment.