《四庫全書》中有關「爪哇」文獻之研究:以知識與史家視角為方向

Twentieth-century China witnessed not only the constant invasions of Western powers and internecine warfares, but also the shaking of self-confidence among the Chinese people. Ch'ien Mu (錢穆1895~1990) stands out as a pivotal historian to console the frustrated souls of the Chinese in twentieth century through his historical works. This paper attempts at a study of the theory and practice of the ”national history” (kuo-shih, 國史) in Ch'ien's historical scholarship. Ch'ien Mu had been torn between the ”universal” and the ”particular” in historical thinking. He insisted through his writings that Chinese history had her own particularity which should not be regarded as Asian footnotes to the Western patterns or theories. Moreover, Ch'ien Mu, in treating history as ”national epic” as opposed to ”scientific history,” urged the Chinese people to re-establish their own identity in Chinese history as collective memory. The present paper consists of five sections. After reviewing the content and its historical background pertaining to Ch'ien Mu's notion of ”national history” (section Ⅱ), we in section Ⅲ analyze the methodological issues in Ch'ien's ”national history” and compare the difference between Ch'ien Mu and Hsu Fu-kuan (徐復觀，1902~1982). Section Ⅳ discusses the significance of Ch'ien Mu in the context of twentieth-century Chinese historiography. Special attention is paid to the contrast between Ch'ien Mu and Fu Ssu-nien (傅斯年，1896~1950). The final section V considers the significance of Ch'ien Mu's historiography in twentieth-century Chinese and world historiography.

Whence or whether human reproductive behavior has ever been entirely ”natural” is a topic much debated in modern demography. The presumably ”natural” sex drives, and the procreation that follows, as far back as recorded history may serve as meaningful witness, hardly ever coincide with human wishes to reproduce. Added to these other socio-economic and cultural conditions, we see ample room for intervention and manipulation. The enduring wish to exert some kind of control over the purely biological reproduction generates a variety of beliefs, knowledge, and skills, which influence ways of copulation and conception, as births were accorded more or less frequently as those under ”natural” conditions. Human motivation and the resultant techniques are thus at the very core of the questions to be confronted when we deal with the term natural fertility regime (NFR). In sex and reproduction, the Chinese, like others, never pursued simply the naturalist tendencies. Historically, they are known as preachers and practitioners of particular and well-articulated views on this biological process. The following essay examines the socio-cultural factors as well as the medical technology that may have had either a positive or a negative effect on fertility patterns in late imperial China. The demographic concepts of NFR, and marital fertility rate (MFR) are particularly intriguing given the complexity of reproductive behavior in historical China. On the one hand, socio-cultural considerations had long come into play regarding people's notions and habits of coition, as well as their decisions in child-bearing. More importantly, dating from very early times, medical knowledge and technical devices were available for altering nature's course in the timing and the number of births.

In a poem composed in 1832, the Chosŏn-Korean polymath Chŏng Yagyong (1762–1836) declared his fidelity towards Confucian literary principles. Chŏng’s poem was a product of an elite education, and in both form and content, it embodied the ideals of the Chosŏn elite: written in classical Chinese rather than Korean, it was an expression of cultural self-confidence. From the point of view of nationalism and its emphasis on vernaculars, it seems strange to define oneself through a cosmopolitan written language. But Chŏng was no nationalist. He was a Confucian conservative, and the sense of distinction and difference that animated Chŏng’s poem was Confucian and literary. His articulation of such ideals manifested unease over the erosion of Confucian literary values in China and the prospect of the same occurring in Chosŏn under Chinese influence. The source of that influence was books imported from China. What Chŏng was reacting against was, at root, the commodification of literature and all that had entailed in Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) China. Although such concerns had grown increasingly urgent a half-century before, they had a long pedigree in Chosŏn, stretching back to debates that had arisen in relation to Ming China and the principal emblem of the commodification of literature: commercial bookstores. This paper examines some of the principal differences between Chinese and Korean literary cultures that were embodied in Chŏng. It therefore begins with a brief overview of Chŏng and his poem, before turning to a discussion of some key sociopolitical and intellectual features that distinguished Chosŏn’s literary culture from that of China. Sixteenth-century attitudes towards bookstores are discussed to contextualize subsequent worries over Chinese books, with special attention given to the historical and historiographical dimensions of the question, before concluding with an assessment of the final moments of direct Chinese literary influence in Korea.

The purpose of this article is to examine the chang of three concepts about Qi-xue (氣血), Jingmuo (經脈) and Mai-zhen (脈診) of Traditional Chinese Medicine(TCM) in late 19th. The Principal aim of this work is to analyse the theory of Tang Zhonghai (1851-1897)'s body Knowledge. Tang is first of the Chinese doctor who based on the traditional medical theory like Huangdi nejing (黃帝內經) to explain the heart and circulation vessel system about western body knowledge which imported China in late 19th. Historians usually name his work Zhong xi yi hui tong (中西醫匯通) (Melting together in TCM and western medicine). Finally, we will know how to explain the different eyeshot of the Qihua (Qi Transformation)'s body and Xing (visible)'s body, demonstrate the difficult to assimilate TCM and Western medicine in modern Chinese history.

This paper deals with iconoclast antitradionalism in the era of the ”New Culture movement”, exemplified by a sceptical approach towards China's ancient history, particularly concerning spurious ancient texts and ”fabricated” historical myths. This scepticism was expressed in a debate on ancient history which, begun in 1923 in a Shanghai newspaper and continued throughout the 1930s, was published in the 7-vols. Gushibian (1926-1941). Over 100 scholars participated in the debate, among them some of the leading intellectuals of the ”New Culture movement” and May Fourth era. Doubtlessly, the iconoclast spirit of Gu Jiegang and his fellow ”antiquity doubters” owed momentum to the general antitraditionalist mood of the late Qing and early Republican reform movements which, in their turn, had been enhanced by the influx of foreign ideas. But Westerncentric sinology sometimes over-emphasized the role ”Western impact” had played in the search of ”Young China” for a new cultural self-assessment, while it tended to neglect indigenous sources of inspiration. At the same time, many Western China scholars mistook Chinese self-criticism of the period for an objective description of reality, overlooking the fact that Chinese scholars, ever since high antiquity up to the New Culture era, had engaged in polemic dispute Iunzhan論戰, while it is in the nature of polemics (both East and West) to exaggerate. This paper tries to show to what extent indigenous Chinese scholarly traditions as well as individual motives were viable, in the early decades of the 20th century, in forming a decidedly modern scientific approach towards China's historical inheritance.

Shan Hai Jing is a classical and strange work which depicts the ancient Chinese culture. The full text has less than thirty thousand words, but the content of the work is overarching. Shan Hai Jing includes over three thousand drawings. Although the work has been described as “the muse of Eastern mythology” and “the original work of Chinese history,” the authenticity of the book is still questioned by several scholars. Yet, after I closely explore, I find the content of the work is not fully fabricated. The ancient animals in Shan Hai Jing have the trait of mutual promotion and restraint among one and the other. Furthermore, mutual promotion and restraint can relate to the Chinese traditional ideology—the concept of “yin and yang.” Therefore, I begin to do the research and draw the imaginary creation in Shan Hai Jing. The thesis will focus on researching the ancient creatures which have the “relativity” (the opposing position) in Shan Hai Jing. I will apply historical approach, content analysis and text analysis to expound the connotation and extend the value of the research in Shan Hai Jing.” Yin and yang is a flowing performance. It circulates continuously and never stops, like a literal circle. In yin and yang, you cannot find when and where it begins and ends. Yin and yang is well-rounded and flawless. Hence, I sort the ancient creatures which contents “relativity” into pairs through category, symbolization, color and shape. Finally I sift several pairs of the animals which match the idea of mutual promotion and restraint and further develop different a series of creation. By the research, Shan Hai Jing is not only a fantasy, but also a history. In order to comprehend forerunners’ fantasy toward the ancient world, I have to dig into the history. I can understand why those ancient creatures amaze forerunners only if I observe the Eastern concept of yin and yang. Yin and yang is a cultural belief to the Eastern. The binary of yin and yang is interactive and complementary to each other, like a circulation. Yin and yang do not make an opposition but intend to be communed, such as, dealing people with diplomacy and managing things with careful consideration. This kind of significance of the “circle” is the exclusive to the Eastern. Moreover, a pair symbolizes luck and perfection. I stick to the motif of “relativity” and “circle” (which means perfection) in order to depict the profound of the Eastern culture and offer a diverse perspective. I reinterpret and reorganize the ancient world by re-portraying the ancient creatures in Shan Hai Jing.

Axiology of Law in China – Reflections on Legal Philosophy The values are important in every system of law in every country. Social order of values is protected by law. Chinese order of values was created by Confucianism. Especially, value is ritual, propriety (li), which is more important than law (fa). Li is something like savoir-vivre, some rules. Chinese is not only a person, but is a part of something bigger, member of family, citizen of country. Collective, group of people is important. So everybody has got some duties to family and duties to society. So very important value is family and virtue of goodness, humanity (ren) and filial piety (xiao). It was a conflict between Confucianism and Legalism, but only in the beginning of the Chinese Empire (Qin Dynasty) legalism was the value of the state fa was in fact more important. From Han Dynasty until today li is important. Confucianism was the official doctrine of the state, legitimized by the authorities, and after 1911 remained in Chinese legal culture and in hearts of Chinese people. In the long history of China it was time, when Confucianism was not very popular or prohibited (e.g. in 20th century), but the truth is that Chinese values or Asian values, in fact the main values of law in China, are very Confucian values. Chinese law (fa) is in many places legalization or positivisation of ritual, propriety (li).

This paper explores a doubling problematic, that is, on the one hand, the epistemolgical dominance of subject over object as embedded in the Orientalist representation of the Orient,” was reproduced in Japan and China in a form of cultural imperialism; on the other hand, as a student of Chinese history in order to critique and correct such phenomenon, is it sufficiently adequate to write a China's Orient as same as Stefan Tanaka's Japan's Orient by appropriating Edward Said's decolonizing decolonizing approach to Eurocentrism in the institution of Orientalism? Facing such multi-layered and polyphonic historical experiences, a comparative approach is a feasible form of historical writing to encapsulate fluid interaction of plural consciousnesses which none of them will be fully reduced as a mere object. In order to accomplish this feasibility, we have to reconceptualize comparativism as it was employed by Said and other comparative literature scholars. Starting Edward T. Chien's critique of comparative rhetoric” in the West and its discursive connection to Orientalist Eurocentrism, I locate the aforementioned doubling problematic, and the necessity of transcending ex-paradigmatic comparativism. Furthermore, I evoke Chien's multi-centered world of inter-subjectivity” for an alternative methodology. As Chien's long-standing efforts and scholarship of ”cross-cultural studies” exemplified in his deconstructionist critique of bilateral Eurocentrism and Sino-centrism and his search for creating new language from traditional cultural resources, one can incorporate them as a theoretical basis of ethics for a formation of post-modern critical syncretism to escape the predicament of the colonizer/colonized dichotomy.

Historians generally describe Zhang Taiyan (Binglin , 1869-1936) as an anti-Manchu revolutionary and treat his Buddhism as subordinate to this larger political project. Far less commonly understood is Zhang's role in preparing the groundwork for the establishment of Chinese philosophy as an academic discipline. Against the backdrop of an intellectual climate in Japan and China during the decades either side of 1900, in which a premium had come to be placed on logic as a precondition for the development of philosophy, Zhang was one of the first Chinese intellectuals to follow the lead of Japanese scholars in maintaining that classical Chinese philosophers had developed indigenous forms of logic. Significantly, he further argued that Chinese versions of Yogacara texts on Buddhist logic and epistemology (yinming ; Skt. hetu-vidya) made it possible once again to gain a proper understanding of China's earliest writings on logic. In this paper I argue that Zhang sought to establish that early Chinese texts "bear witness" to insights into realities that transcend individual cultures but are most fully and systematically articulated in Yogacara systems of learning; and that classical Chinese philosopher-sages had attained an awareness of the highest truths, evidence of which can be found in their writings. In short, I will show that Zhang used Yogacara to affirm the value of "Chinese philosophy" and, in doing so, helped shape its early definition.

Since the beginning of the 19th century, followed by the migration of the Chinese people towards south, there was a rise of private schools in Penang, Melaka, and many other places in Singapore. Later on, the academic system spread everywhere in Malaysia. The new form of Chinese schools was first established in Penang. The Chinese School in Penang was the first school that started the trend of “schools for all people”. The success of The Chinese Junior High School hit the highest point among all Chinese schools, ranged from primary schools, junior high schools, high schools, to universities. The opening of Southern Pacific University in 1956 was the peak point. After the World War II, The Malaysian Union was established because of the strong belief of Malaysian’s nationalism. The Chinese schools were then treated unequally, especially after the announcement of “One for All” report. However, the persistency of Chinese supporting groups preserved the Chinese schools anyhow. In order to exercise the law of education in 1961, the government enforced the Chinese schools to change its form by using all kinds of strategies and limited resources. In this action, almost every Chinese school was demolished. Fortunately, the members of the Chinese committee still supported the Chinese culture. Furthermore, after the Malaysia Chinese Independent Schools took action in 1973, the Chinese schools have been growing even until now. In this Malaysia Chinese Independent Schools action, a committee had been proposed a proposal. The first Chinese Unified Examination was held in 1975 under the pressure from the government. The examination was to examine the academic level of Chinese, and it was also used as a guideline to determine the ability of the graduates. Also, most companies recruit people based on the examination result. The examination is organized by the exam center, the target contestants are the graduates of the Chinese schools. It is widely accepted by the students and the certification (UEC) is one of the application requirements to the universities and colleges in Malaysia and in other countries as well. Therefore, having the certificate is a easy way to get accepted by the schools and the companies. However, it is encountering some difficulties right now because of the government’s education policy and the decrease of Chinese population. The number of students enroll the Chinese schools is declining each year. The Chinese have no political background to support such beliefs results in such dilemma. In the 21 century, learning Chinese is now a big trend for all people around the world. It is believed that the transformation of the society and the idea of multi-culture have been extensively accepted. The business partnership between Mainland China and the Chinese society also gives rise to the growth of Chinese learning. On the impact of the free trade between China and the ASEAN countries with Malaysia, the improvement of Chinese education is stimulating and impressive. Not only that, the Chinese Independent Schools Unified Examination also provides opportunities to people around the world.

This article discusses the overlap between social history and medical history. The aim is to use the study of medical history to contribute to a better understanding of social history. Five points are discussed: 1. Understanding the body The concept of the circulation of the chi through the living body was central to Chinese medical theory rather than the study of anatomy through dissection. 2. The relationship between those who treated the sick: Shamans, Taoists and Confucians in Chinese history. Before Western medicine was introduced into China, the social background of those who treated the sick was different at different stages of Chinese history. At the earliest stage, before the Warring States, those who treated the sick had much in common with Shamans, from the Warring States until the T'ang Dynasty doctors were usually Taoists, and from the T'ang onward, doctors generally held Confucian beliefs. 3. Sexual health, pediatrics and health care in old age as family history. These include ideas about contraception, pregnancy, ways to influence the sex of a fetus, child-rearing and maintaining health in old age. All these can be seen as aspects of family history. 4. Medicine and cultural influence In this article I concentrate on the Indian influence on Chinese medicine in the medieval period: from the Indian system China only adopted technical skill of ophthalmology and pharmacopoeia. 5. Medical treatment reflecting social mentality I discuss the belief that supernatural beings influenced people's health and the use of methods such as exorcism in treatment.

Abstrak- Berbagai prinsip dan tradisi arsitektur klasik India telah dikumpulkan dan dilestarikan dalam kajian yang dikenal sebagai Vāstuśāstra. Cabang keilmuan klasik India ini merupakan perwujudan arsitektural dari nilai-nilai Hindu ideal, dan karena itulah ide-ide di dalamnya memiliki pengaruh signifikan terhadap arsitektur keagamaan dalam wilayah budaya India Raya yang mencapai Pulau Jawa kuno. Pengaruh India dapat dikenali dalam desain candi Hindu di Jawa era Dinasti Śailendra meskipun terdapat sejumlah elemen arsitektural yang tidak ditemukan dalam vāstuśāstra. Namun, berbeda dengan agama Hindu yang memiliki kajian vāstuśāstra, agama Buddha tidak memiliki kajian seperti vāstuśāstra ataupun kuil Buddha yang berdiri sendiri sehingga, sumber yang dipakai sebagai panduan dalam membangun bangunan arsitektur Buddha dipertanyakan dalam Candi Buddha di Indonesia, khususnya Candi Buddha di Jawa Tengah era Mataram Kuno Dinasti Śailendra. Meskipun ajaran Buddha dan beberapa bagian dalam kajian vāstuśāstra diketahui turut berperan dalam pembangunan Candi Buddha di Indonesia, seberapa jauh aliran Buddha dan vāstuśāstra India diterapkan dalam candi sulit untuk diamati, mengingat tidak adanya kajian khusus dan referensi kuil Buddha yang berdiri sendiri untuk membangun Candi Buddha, dan narasumbernya yang sudah tidak ada. Dengan mencari informasi mengenai teori arsitektur ajaran-ajaran Buddha yang masuk ke Indonesia dan mengidentifikasi serta membandingkan bagian-bagian vāstuśāstra yang relevan, maka dapat terlihat elemen arsitektural apa saja yang merupakan bagian dari konsep ajaran Buddha tertentu serta yang merupakan bagian dari kajian vāstuśāstra. Dalam penelitian, metode deskriptif dan pendekatan kualitatif digunakan oleh penulis. Penulis berfokus pada sosok dan ornamen serta tata massa dan ruang. Penelitian ini mengumpulkan dan membandingkan berbagai bagian vāstuśāstra yang relevan serta beberapa konsep ajaran Buddha untuk dibandingkan dengan data dari duabelas sampel candi era Mataram Kuno Dinasti Śailendra. Perbandingan oleh penulis menunjukkan sejumlah hasil. Pertama, terdapat penerapan konsep mahāyāna, vajrayāna, dan kitab mānasāra pada elemen sosok, ornamen, tata massa, dan ruang candi Buddha di Jawa Tengah. Namun begitu, sejumlah detil arsitektural dari elemen-elemen tersebut memiliki perbedaan yang kentara dengan penuturan dalam vāstuśāstra. Sebagai contoh, beberapa penempatan Kala-Makara yang tidak mengikuti kitab mānasāra. Kedua, dengan adanya penerapan konsep mānasāra pada candi Buddha di Jawa Tengah membuktikan bahwa adanya pengaruh Hindu dikarenakan hubungan harmonis antara Buddha dan Hindu pada jaman tersebut. Ketiga, kuil Buddha free-standing pertama adalah Candi Batujaya 5/Blandongan (abad 2-3 M dan 7-10 M) karena kuil Mahabodhi di India baru dibangun seperti yang kita lihat sekarang pada restorasi fase 6 (tahun 700-800 M/abad 8 M).

Since the retrocession of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, the Hong Kong SAR government and key curriculum developers have been determined to make use of the school curriculum (formal and informal) and in particular, the two history subjects, 'Chinese History' and 'History,' to promote a national identity among students. This study shows that a Chinese national identity in ethnic, cultural and historical terms has been promoted through 'Chinese History.' At the same time, through the other history subject, 'History,' a Hongkongese identity that includes both an international and a national dimension has also been made possible. However, it is argued that in promoting a sense of national identity through the school curriculum, the government has turned the curriculum to a form of nationalistic propaganda. In addition, the emphasis on national identity would create tension between Hong Kong students, students from China and ethnical minority students.

This article explores the little-known public philanthropic activities of certain elite women during late Qing China. By examining contemporary newspapers, it traces the new development of women’s philanthropic engagement and further analyzes two cases, one on disaster relief and the other on women’s education, to illustrate the issues, controversies and achievements that went along with women’s philanthropy. It demonstrates how philanthropy, a traditionally-sanctioned field for women’s activism, legitimatized women to move out of domestic seclusion and reposition themselves in the public sphere in a crucial transitional era when for “good women” to appear in public was something hotly debated, and how through philanthropic opportunities some were able to engage with political affairs. The broad social impact of their initiatives suggests the continued importance of traditional elite women during China’s transition to the modern era; it challenges some of our previous notions, which often unthinkingly accepted the verdict of “New Women” that those who did not embrace their path to modernity were parasitic, unproductive, and backward. By looking carefully at philanthropy, the article reveals fascinating issues and rich details of women’s public activities that previous historical narratives have often overlooked. It helps to understand how reconfigured traditions became essential components of modernity in the development of modern Chinese gender roles. It also adds a gender perspective to the burgeoning historiography on Chinese philanthropy.

”Xi Xiang Ji ”is the composition based on the legendary novel”Huei Chen Ji” by Chen Yuan in Tang Dynasty.After being modified by number of compositors, Shi-Fu Wang in Yuan Dynasty re-contractured, fertilized and finally turned the story out to be ”Xi Xiang Ji ”, a love story musical.Hundreds years after, ”Xi Xiang Ji ” was being played constantly on the stage, and printed copies were also published continually. The purpose of the thesis is to discuss the relationship between the image of Chinese Opera in Woodcut Prints, Chinese Opera performing and the literature based on ”Xi Xiang Ji ”Chinese Opera in Woodcut Prints in Ming Dynasty. The thesis will focus on the below points through the comparison of illustrations from different copies of ”Xi Xiang Ji ”: The causes of making artwork of ”Xi Xiang Ji ”and background. The phenomena appeared due to the existing numbers of Chinese Opera in Woodcut Prints during Ming Dynasty. What the author cares are: 1. The popularity of Chinese Opera in Ming Dynasty affected the publishing direction of publishing firm. 2. The hard competition of publishing business would push publishers to design different woodcut prints to attract readers.What was the relationship between the society, Chinese Opera and publishers? Did they affect each other? To classify the existing woodcut prints of ”Xi Xiang Ji ”systematically. There are many types and styles of woodcut prints of ”Xi Xiang Ji ”during the hundreds of years, which almost covered all the branches of ancient woodcut prints. The author sorts out the available woodcut prints of ”Xi Xiang Ji ” regarding to different dynasties and analyze them in order to find out the difference between, which may indicate the uniqueness of each version. To disclose the meanings of images through different ways. Among all the illustrations of ”Xi Xiang Ji ”, Chi-gi Ming’s 21 color paintings were chosen to decode the meaning of image. The paintings with outstanding printing, carving, composing and coloring work were on the peak of Chinese woodcut prints history. The thesis would explain the relationship between each painting and script by iconology from Erwin Panosky and try to find out the deeper meaning and value of them. To deeply discuss the relationship between woodcut Prints and Chinese Opera performing. Woodcut Prints is never independent from Chinese Opera. Although we can not directly prove the composing of woodcut prints is the re-appearing of stage performing, but the influence between each other can still be tracked through some clues from the images. The thesis would try to point out the footprints of stage performing and discuss the relationship between images and Chinese Opera performing, which may hopefully offer a new angle for Chinese Opera studying. In the past, the research of woodcut Prints stayed in collecting and sorting stage, or people only took them as an art which was analyzed from art appreciating.The research tries to put the woodcut prints of ”Xi Xiang Ji ” in Ming Dynasty under the frame of document publishing to go through the third level of image studying- the explanation of iconology and check the illustrations of ”Xi Xiang Ji ” from different points of view. Finally, the author would like to analyze the influence of Chinese Opera development in Ming Dynasty to woodcut prints making of ”Xi Xiang Ji ” and discuss the communication between printing copies, woodcut prints and performing. Hope the culture meaning and value of illustrations from ”Xi Xiang Ji ” can be deeply understood in order to indicate the key position of illustrations in Chinese woodcut prints and publishing history though the above study.