Экстремизм в Великобритании: способы противодействия

A Systematic Review of Inflammatory Bowel Disease Epidemiology and Health Outcomes in Sexual and Gender Minority Individuals

Chief complaint: “I feel like I have the brain of a man. Am I crazy?” On her first visit to a psychiatrist ( J.M.B.), “Ms. C,” a 48year-old woman, asked this question about her confused gender identity. Having also discovered a primary sexual attraction to women, Ms. C was having difficulty reconciling her church’s injunctions against sinful homosexual activities with her sense of herself as fundamentally male. She was dressed in a subtly frilly blouse and leather jacket she called “my leather-and-lace look.” Encircling each wrist were tattooed bracelets, traceries of curlicues and rosebuds that gently contradicted pearl earrings and a delicate gold locket. Born in the early 1950s and raised resolutely as a girl, Ms. C did not learn until she was 23 and married the unusual circumstances of her birth. Her mother finally divulged that she had entered the world with strange-looking genitals—neither male nor female. Doctors told her parents it was best to remove the odd tissue, fashion what remained to look female, and raise her as if nothing unusual had happened. At 6 months, surgeons removed both external tissue and presumed intra-abdominal testicular tissue and fashioned labia around the vaginal entrance she had always had. In grade school, she was told her large abdominal scar resulted from herniorrhaphy. At 12, after starting daily estrogen pills to induce puberty, she developed breasts and feminine curves, although without menarche or an increase in height beyond 5 feet. Her mother said she could not have children but did not explain why. She recalls being a tomboy who preferred boys for playmates. Because of her small stature and feminine appearance, however, boys were not particularly comfortable hanging out with her. Then, as now, she identified with the way males think rather than a sense of being physically male. She dated boys in high school, had a sexual experience with a woman during college, and married a man with whom she enjoyed satisfying marital relations for nearly two decades until they experienced a menage a trois. Her husband fell in love with the other woman, and she kindled awareness of her greater attraction to women than men. The marriage ended, and she embarked upon two long-term lesbian relationships and a struggle with alcoholism. Ms. C found sobriety and her church while that second relationship was unraveling. Welcomed and spiritually nurtured by church members, she felt happy except for increasing discontent with her pastor’s insistence that homosexual desires were her “cross to bear” and her options were either heterosexual marriage or celibacy. On one hand, her personal theology concurred that homosexuality was against God’s plan. On the other, she struggled with identifying herself as either man or woman, a dilemma her pastor could not solve. Ms. C’s childhood medical records had been lost. The psychiatrist asked if she had been karyotyped, given her unusual birth. She did not know. When she was born, chromosome testing was not routinely available. Given medical advice to raise her unquestioningly as a girl, the issue had not resurfaced. The psychiatrist suggested the test, and when results revealed 45,X/ 46,XY chromosomes, 75% the latter, the fragments—the childhood operation, hormones, her short stature, “brain of a man”—fell into place. She immediately reported feeling “less of a freak” now that she had a name—“intersexual”—for her condition.

The internet has become an everyday tool to communicate and network with people around the globe, but its perceived anonymity, availability, and instant access have made it an environment conducive to spreading hateful content and connecting to like-minded individuals with similar hateful ideologies. Hate speech and other prejudice-motivated behavior, however, need to be considered on a continuum of victimization, and "like other social processes, [be seen as] dynamic and in a state of constant movement and change, rather than static and fixed" (Bowling, 1993, p. 238). It is a social process that is marked by multiple, repeat, and constant victimization (Bowling, 1993), with victims no longer distinguishing between specific hateful events, and rather normalizing experiences of hateful conduct "as an everyday, unwanted but routine reality of being 'different'" (Chakraborti, 2016, p. 581). Understanding hateful behavior and victimization as a process allows us to connect "low-level" incidents of hateful behavior to the more serious and life-threatening incidents at the more extreme end of the spectrum (Bowling & Phillips, 2002). The Christchurch attacks in New Zealand and their link to hateful communication on the online platform 8chan is only one such example of how online hate speech and cyberhate can escalate to "in real life" attacks, leaving the online sphere and spilling into the offline world. As per Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice, more extreme forms of prejudice-motivated violence are founded on "lower level" acts of prejudice and bias, therefore, hateful content online should not be ignored. Intervening online to interrupt or counter hateful behavior already at the lower end of the scale of prejudice becomes important; online interventions which are to be identified and synthesized through this systematic review. Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice will be the basis for this systematic review. Early on, Allport (1954) asserted that individuals with negative attitudes toward groups are likely to act out on these prejudices "somehow, somewhere" (p. 14), and that the more intense such negative attitudes are, the more hostile the action will be. Allport (1954) put forward a scale of acts of prejudice to illustrate different degrees of acting out negative attitudes, a scale that starts with antilocution (or what we call hate speech), described as explicitly expressing prejudices through negative verbal remarks to either friends or strangers (Allport, 1954). Avoidance is the next level on the scale of prejudice, with people avoiding members of certain groups, followed by discrimination, where distinctions are made between people based on prejudices, which leads to the active exclusion of members from certain groups (Allport, 1954). This level of acting on prejudices is routed in institutional or systemic prejudices, for example, in the differential treatment of people within employment or education practices, but also within the criminal justice system, or through social exclusion of certain minority group members. Physical attack is the next level on the scale of prejudice, which includes violence against members of certain groups by physically acting on negative attitudes or prejudices. The last level is extermination, which is the ultimate act of violence against members of specific groups, an expression of prejudice that systematically eradicates an entire group of people (e.g., genocide or lynchings; Allport, 1954). Allport's (1954) scale of prejudice makes it clear how hate speech/cyberhate is connected to more extreme forms of violence motivated by specific prejudices and biases, with hate speech (or antilocutions) being only the starting point on a 5-point continuum (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020). The importance of this scale of prejudice is not only that it clearly illustrates a range of different ways and intensity levels to act out prejudices, but also the "progression from verbal aggression to physical violence or, in other words, the performative potential of hate speech" (Allport, 1954; Kopytowska & Baider, 2017, p. 138). This is where interventions at the lower level of the scale of prejudices, interventions targeting hate speech/cyberhate, become important. There is no universal definition of hateful conduct online, but there is some consensus that hate speech targets disadvantaged social groups (Jacobs & Potter, 1998). Bakalis (2018) more narrowly defines cyberhate as "any use of technology to express hatred towards a person or persons because of a protected characteristic—namely race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, disability and transgender identity" (p. 87). Another definition that also points out the ambiguity and challenges involved with identifying more subtle forms of hate speech, and also making reference to the potential threat of hate speech escalating to offline violence, is that put forward by Fortuna and Nunes (2018), who analyzed various definitions of hate speech "Hate speech is language that attacks or diminishes, that incites violence or hate against groups, based on specific characteristics such as physical appearance, religion, descent, national or ethnic origin, sexual orientation, gender identity or other, and it can occur with different linguistic styles, even in subtle forms or when humour is used" (p. 5). In this systematic review, we also distinguish hate speech/cyberhate specifically from other forms of harmful online activity, such as cyber-bullying, harassment, trolling or flaming, as perpetrators of such online behavior repeatedly and systematically target specific individuals to cause upset, to seek out negative reactions, or to create discord on the internet. In contrast, hate speech/cyberhate is more general and does not necessarily target a specific individual (Al-Hassan & Al-Dossari, 2019), instead hate speech/cyberhate heavily features prejudice, bias and intolerance toward certain groups within society. With the majority of hate speech happening online, interventions that take place online are an important way to challenge prejudice and bias, potentially reaching masses of people across the globe. The unique feature of the internet is that such individual negative attitudes toward minority groups and more extreme hateful ideology can find its way onto certain platforms and can instantly connect people sharing similar prejudices. By closing the social and spatial distance, the internet creates a form of collective identity (Perry, 2000, p. 123) and can convince individuals with even the most extreme ideologies that others out there share their views (Gerstenfeld et al., 2003). In addition, the enormous frequency of hate speech/cyberhate within online environments creates a sense of normativity to hatred and the potential for acts of intergroup violence or political radicalization (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020, p. 9). It is, therefore, important to challenge this hate speech epidemic (Bilewicz & Soral, 2020), especially since hate movements have increasingly crossed into the mainstream (Perry, 2000). With hate speech/cyberhate posing a threat to the social order by violating social norms (Soral et al., 2018), perceptions of social norms as either supporting or opposing prejudice has been found to have an influence on how individuals react online (Hsueh et al., 2015). Seeing other people post prejudiced (opposed to antiprejudiced) comments online can lead to the adoption of an online group's biases and can influence an individual's own perceptions and feelings toward the targeted stigmatized group (Hsueh et al., 2015). In addition, research around desensitization also suggests that being exposed to hate speech leads to desensitization, which further leads to an increase in outgroup prejudice toward groups targeted by such speech (Soral et al., 2018). With society increasingly recognizing that it is inappropriate to express prejudices in public settings, many interventions will include some form of social norms nudging to reduce such prejudices; interventions that "nudge behavior in the desired direction" (Titley et al., 2014, p. 60). Therefore, hate speech not only affects minority group members, but also has an influence on opinions of majority group members (Soral et al., 2018), which makes strategies that can elicit change in people's prejudice-related attitudes crucial (see, e.g., Zitek & Hebl, 2007). Governments around the world face increased demand for understanding and countering hateful ideology and violent extremism both online and offline (e.g., the Christchurch Call in New Zealand). The U.S. Government's 2011 CVE Strategy highlights the importance of ongoing research and analysis, the sharing of knowledge and best practices internationally, and the countering of hateful ideologies and propaganda (see also Department of Homeland Security, 2016, 2019). The goal of this systematic review is to use an integrated and interdisciplinary approach to examine the effectiveness of online campaigns and strategies for reducing hate speech and cyberhate. The internet also provides an opportunity to reach masses of people who have been exposed to hateful content and ideology online, therefore, this systematic review will focus on online interventions addressing online hate speech and cyberhate. The specific settings where we would expect to see the online interventions deployed will be on websites, text messaging applications, and online and social media platforms including, but not limited to, Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, WhatsApp, Google, YouTube, and Snapchat. As mentioned previously, many online interventions will be based on social norm nudges to reduce online hate. These interventions aim to change people's online behavior and encourage individuals or groups to conform to established social norms. The communication of social norms can happen through establishing community standards on online platforms themselves (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, etc.), through more formal online training courses, or through anti-hate speech/anti-cyberhate campaigns teaching people to recognize hate, embrace diversity, and stand up to bias. Such prevention campaigns are designed to challenge bias and build ally behaviors by supplying people with constructive responses to combat, for example, antisemitism racism, and homophobia, as well as provide resources to help people explore and critically reflect on current events. Other interventions may add messages to hateful online comments, counter hateful content or extremist ideology, or redirect people to more credible sources. Both peers and parents have been found to foster racial consciousness and identity development, define interracial relationships and cultivate ethnic heritage and culture (Hagerman, 2016). Socialization influences how children understand their group's social position and their membership within that group by providing an understanding of racial, religious, and sexual privilege (Bowman & Howard, 1985). Socialization often reflects peers' and parents' experiences with racism, discrimination, and their ideological perspectives about race, religion, or sexuality (Umaña-Taylor & Fine, 2004). This is important because peers and parents who feel discriminated against or believe that the "other" is a threat may impart their prejudices to their children or friends, which could lead them to interpret the social world with similar discriminatory views and/or behavior. Individuals who feel socially alienated or rejected are especially vulnerable to such socialization practices as they feel that adopting these views will provide them with a sense of acceptance and belonging (Leiken, 2012). Regardless of how an individual develops certain racial, religious, or sexual biases, the online interventions under review are expected to target and reduce the production of original hateful content such as antisemitic Tweets and/or homophobic blog posts as well as the consumption of hate speech material (e.g., watching or reading hate speech videos or blogs). For example, some interventions take a rather broad messaging approach by implementing racial sensitivity and diversity training through Public Service Announcements, peer-to-peer dialogue workshops, or films that provide opportunities for youth and adults to self-reflect and learn about historical oppression, people of color, women, and the LGBTQIA+ community from credible sources. The factual understanding of diverse groups is often supplemented by experiences with people within the group. These educational programs often identify a cultural guide who is willing to introduce youth to new experiences and who can aid in processing thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. These interventions intend to dispute and contradict negative stereotypes associated with specific cultures, people, and institutions by sharing different points of view based on human rights values such as openness, respect for difference, freedom, and equality (Gomes, 2017). Moreover, such interventions tend to involve blanket bans on specific behaviors enforced through the public promotion of norms or individual sanctions enforced by moderators. Other interventions, such as the "Redirect Method," are narrower in their messaging. These interventions generate curated playlists and collections of authentic content that challenge hate speech/cyberhate narratives and propaganda (Helmus & Klein, 2018). For instance, people who are directly searching for extremist content online may be linked to videos and written content that confronts such claims. These videos are designed to be objective in appearance instead of containing material that explicitly counters extremist propaganda. The underlying goal of this type of interventions is to provide credible content that effectively undermines extremist messaging but does not overtly attack the source of propaganda. In addition to confronting hate speech narratives, these interventions provide users with links to numerous social services such as anger management training, drug and alcohol treatment, and mental health resources. Online platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, have also started to employ a similar method, redirecting people who comment on or share "fake news" or conspiracy theories, which often are fraught with prejudicial undertones and are harmful to minority groups, to more credible content and news sources. The aforementioned interventions are designed to counter-balance these biased perceptions (e.g., unsupported claims of the Black community as criminal or the LGBTQIA+ community as pathologized) Blacks as criminals, LGBTQIA+ as pathologized) by blunting the occurrence of racist discourse and reducing the likelihood these individuals will internalize and normalize racial, religious, and/or sexual prejudices (Qian et al., 2019). Being in new situations is uncomfortable and often awakens fears and apprehensions that can block our experiential development. Acquiring information or being exposed to minority-run businesses, poverty, and writings from minority authors allows a person to understand the thoughts, hopes, fears, and aspirations of the people outside their racial perspective rather than from the perspective of the majority society (Dunham et al., 2013; Lee et al., 2017). Doing so, counters racist programming by challenging hegemonic beliefs, which can lead to the acceptance of tolerant attitudes and the reduction of hateful expressions online. Findings from the proposed review will enhance our understanding of the effectiveness of online anti-hate speech/anti-hate interventions, will help ensure that programming funds are dedicated to the most-effective efforts, and will play a critical role in helping individual programs improve the quality of service provisions. It will inform governments and policymakers of the current state of such online efforts, what works and which modes of interventions to implement, and help guide economically viable investments in nation-state security. Our search of the scholarly literature identified one review, Blaya (2019), as similar to the proposed topic. Blaya's (2019) review, however, focused on the prevalence, type, and characteristics of existing interventions for counteracting cyberhate and did not include a meta-analysis. Two other similar reviews focused on exposure to extremist online content (Hassan et al., 2018) and communication channels associated with cyber-racism (Bliuc et al., 2018). A search of the Campbell Library using key terms (hate OR radical*) returned two protocols and one review identified for further inspection to assess potential overlap. The protocols include "Psychosocial processes and intervention strategies behind Islamist deradicalization: A scoping review" by de Carvalho et al. (2019) and "Police programs that seek to increase community connectedness for reducing violent extremism behavior, attitudes and beliefs" by Mazerolle et al. (2020). A further review on a similar topic is a recently completed Campbell review (January 2020), "Counter-narratives for the prevention of violent radicalization: A systematic review of targeted interventions" by Carthy et al. (2018) at the National University of Ireland, Galway. Our proposed review is distinguished from the de Carvalho et al. (2019) review in that we are focusing on hate speech and cyberhate generally without delimiting our approach to a specific type of radicalization (e.g., Islamist). Furthermore, we are electing to complete a systematic review and meta-analysis. Likewise, the protocol by Mazerolle et al. (2020) focuses on interventions involving police officers either as initiators, recipients, or implementers of community connectedness interventions. Our review will focus specifically on any online intervention, which may or may not involve police, but police will not be the focus nor be the basis of the online intervention strategy. Judging from Carthy et al. (2018) protocol, we anticipate our review will also capture counter-narrative interventions, but will differ based on setting, timing, and scope of interventions. Specifically, we are interested in online interventions that extend beyond counter-messaging campaigns to include a broad array of interventions outlined above and extend beyond radicalization to include everyday hate and prejudice. In addition to conducting a meta-analysis, the proposed review would build on Blaya's (2019) work by expanding the population parameters to include both adolescents as well as adults. Blaya (2019) limited her search to include interventions aimed toward youth, young people, children, young adults, adolescents, children, and teenagers and did not focus on extremism. The main objective of this review is to synthesize the available evidence on the effectiveness of online interventions aimed at reducing the creation and/or consumption of online hate speech/cyberhate material. To what extent are online interventions effective in reducing online hate speech/cyberhate? How is effectiveness related to the type of online hate speech/cyberhate intervention used? How is effectiveness related to the characteristics of individuals experiencing the online hate speech/cyberhate intervention (e.g., age, gender, race/ethnicity, offense history, childhood trauma)? Both experimental and quasi-experimental quantitative studies will be included. These study designs will address research questions #1 to #3. Eligible quantitative study designs include the following: Eligible experimental designs must involve random assignment of participants to distinct treatment and control group(s). Designs that involve quasi-random assignment of participants such as alternate case assignment are also eligible and will be coded as experimental designs. All eligible quasi-experimental designs must include a comparison group of participants compared to participants in the treatment condition. Eligible studies include those that report matching procedures (individual- or group-level) and statistical procedures employed to achieve equivalency between groups. Statistical procedures may but are not limited to, analysis, and Furthermore, in of a limited quantitative evidence we will also include quasi-experimental studies with comparison groups that provide of for both groups. will also be included. Eligible include designs with a control group and designs with or without a control group than quasi-experimental designs include studies that a comparison group of participants who either to in the study or who in a but out to the of a Eligible comparison include other online interventions or in which participants not or an online Both youth and participants of any gender sexual orientation, or will be eligible for this review. The eligible youth population will be study participants with a of through The eligible population will be study participants with a of and in which only a of the is eligible for example, a study in both online and offline hate speech be not anticipate studies based on as our will be and we will take to studies that only online interventions. will of the of a study for through and be we will elicit the of a the of and studies will be these studies will be they will be and be in the and any related Blaya's (2019) of intervention strategies to the potential of eligible interventions. The intervention is the of responses to hate speech/cyberhate, which includes the countering of violent extremism and to address online interventions that are eligible range from hateful content online specific (e.g., of social media to to online hate using targeted strategies (e.g., through hateful of studies focusing on online include the and of online and content online content and & 2018), hateful online comments to comments et al., 2018), and to users out of online are also interested in interventions such as the of 8chan this online platform linked to "in real life" attacks in New Zealand and the and interventions that further hateful online content and radicalization similar events. hateful content online such has up speech as well as around online users and hateful groups on to other online to hateful content online using targeted strategies therefore, been as an effective online include using the from & 2020), the use of to online responses to in online where hate speech has been (Qian et al., 2019), and redirecting online users to videos for example, Our systematic review will include a range of online interventions, many of which have only recently Two other strategies identified by Blaya (2019) are the and of hate speech/cyberhate using technology as well as the creation of online and These interventions include online counter-narrative the and/or use of online counter online interventions, online training, and online narrowly to address extremist ideologies and hate speech that incites targeted violence and In such interventions seek to or the occurrence of violent extremism or the of hate speech and extremist by channels and opportunities to such groups. The and intervention eligible for this systematic review educational programs for example, provide people with online and challenge 2019). will include online programs with an online (e.g., and and educational and online interventions. of these interventions may by individuals no longer in the creation and/or consumption of cyberhate and extremist material online. These online interventions may be by and internet service or or in the case of interventions. The comparison may be routine exposure and to hate speech/cyberhate or online The of is the creation and/or consumption of hateful content online. By we to the production and of original hateful content such as antisemitic racist and/or homophobic blog The consumption of hate speech material may include or being a of a hate watching or reading hate speech videos or being a target of online hate speech/cyberhate, or hate speech material. of include and of study participants such as and attitudes toward hate Eligible studies must report a or (or to be included. There will be no exclusion on the source of for the and can be from any institutional or completed by will include any of from strategies to increase the scale of of potentially effective anti-hate speech and interventions for These could include to or to the creation of and behaviors. can also include such as a of hate speech/cyberhate to other platforms instead of a reduction of hate All described in eligible studies will be in the will focus on the between and the current The starting with the when the internet to a and community et al., are for an approach in the lower end of our search to the may be it is hate speech/cyberhate online through or and some studies may capture Our population of studies will also be limited to studies in and but of studies completed in any as we are focused on online content that can be and across and nation-state The language parameters reflect the language of the review Our will where studies the of study in will be between the members of the review These will be and as a from the protocol in the review. In the of a change in we will search online OR OR internet OR Twitter OR OR 8chan OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR speech" OR cyberhate OR OR OR OR OR speech OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR OR peer-to-peer OR OR OR

The subject. The issue of the modern value of theoretical and historical sciences is considered. It is proved that these sciences continue to be irreplaceable for the development of legal ideas, legal values, general legal dogma, fulfil a certain role as the basis of law-making and lawenforcement practice. The competence approach implemented in higher education should not lead to the reduction of theoretical and historical knowledge. At the same time, the assessment of modern research in the field of these sciences for their relevance and scientific novelty depends on the extent to which these studies actually contribute to the development of legal ideas (legal values) and general legal dogma applied in practice. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the importance of theoretical and historical sciences in the field of legal science as a whole at the current stage of its development. Methodology. The following methods were used: combination of dialectical method with the methods of formal logic, formal legal and comparative legal analysis.Main results. It seems that the question about the expediency of studying theoreticalhistorical sciences in the educational programmes for legal specialties should be answered affirmatively, as they remain relevant and practically applicable and will continue to be in the future. Despite the fact that today there is a controversial but widespread view stating that theoretical and historical sciences are no longer able to respond to the relevant challenges and have a significant disconnection with practical jurisprudence, lawyers nowadays still should be taught to think, to analyse legal acts and other legal information,

The rampant rise of violent extremist incidents across the globe poses an urgent threat to humanity requiring an immediate action. Vulnerabilities within diverse communities can serve as a critical fault line that can potentially foster extremist tendencies. This paper focuses on examining this pressing issue with specific reference to Pakistan. The study argues that although external factors contribute significantly, internal factors too, hold paramount importance in confronting the challenge of violent extremism. The paper addresses the issue of violent extremism in Pakistan, emphasizing the importance of building community resilience. The study aims to inform and shape state’s policies and strategies in the context of P/CVE. It sheds light on various forms of violent extremism, i.e., acts of terrorism, religious violence, gender-based violence, violent protests, riots, and hate crimes, demanding a comprehensive understanding. The literature review underscores various factors influencing community resilience, highlighting the significance of a multi-stakeholder approach. The paper highlights the need for an active role of academic institutions, think tanks, and NGOs in P/CVE. Structured across chapters, this paper analyses the issue of violent extremism in Pakistan and suggest soft approaches to tackle this issue. By charting a comprehensive path forward, it aims to contribute to a more secure and resilient Pakistan. References Ahmad, I. (2023, July 12). Punjab police registered 10,365 cases of violence against women in 4 months: SSDO. The Nation. https://www.nation.com.pk/12-Jul-2023/punjab-police-registered-10-365-cases-of-violence-against-women-in-4-months-ssdo Babakhel, M. A. (2023, March 18). Two Approaches. DAWN.COM. https://www.dawn.com/news/1742789 Dal Farra, S., & De Riz, L. (2017, December 19). Building Resilience Against Violent Extremism. 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Mining wastes have now acquired great economic importance, becoming a subject of civil law transactions. The issues of ownership of mining wastes as objects of civil law, despite their complex legal regime, are not regulated by the legislation of the Republic of Armenia, because of which problems arise in interpreting this issue at the theoretical level and within the framework of disputes triggering between the subsoil user and the state. The present article discusses the issues of ownership of mining wastes as objects of civil law in the legal relations of subsoil use. The basic concept of mining waste as an object of civil rights is mentioned, the subject of ownership of mining wastes, problems and gaps in national legislation concerning the exercise of powers that constitute the content of ownership rights are revealed. Further, disputes arising in law enforcement practice on the ownership of mining waste are studied and analyzed. Based on the analysis conducted in this article, proposals are presented aimed at clarifying the subject of ownership of mining waste and the moment of obtaining ownership upon mining wastes, as well as legislative regulation of the exercise of ownership rights to mining waste, which will be essential for resolving disputes arising between the subsoil user and the state in law enforcement practice. Mining wastes have now acquired great economic importance, becoming a subject of civil law transactions. The issues of ownership of mining wastes as objects of civil law, despite their complex legal regime, are not regulated by the legislation of the Republic of Armenia, because of which problems arise in interpreting this issue at the theoretical level and within the framework of disputes triggering between the subsoil user and the state. The present article discusses the issues of ownership of mining wastes as objects of civil law in the legal relations of subsoil use. The basic concept of mining waste as an object of civil rights is mentioned, the subject of ownership of mining wastes, problems and gaps in national legislation concerning the exercise of powers that constitute the content of ownership rights are revealed. Further, disputes arising in law enforcement practice on the ownership of mining waste are studied and analyzed. Based on the analysis conducted in this article, proposals are presented aimed at clarifying the subject of ownership of mining waste and the moment of obtaining ownership upon mining wastes, as well as legislative regulation of the exercise of ownership rights to mining waste, which will be essential for resolving disputes arising between the subsoil user and the state in law enforcement practice. Mining wastes have now acquired great economic importance, becoming a subject of civil law transactions. The issues of ownership of mining wastes as objects of civil law, despite their complex legal regime, are not regulated by the legislation of the Republic of Armenia, because of which problems arise in interpreting this issue at the theoretical level and within the framework of disputes triggering between the subsoil user and the state. The present article discusses the issues of ownership of mining wastes as objects of civil law in the legal relations of subsoil use. The basic concept of mining waste as an object of civil rights is mentioned, the subject of ownership of mining wastes, problems and gaps in national legislation concerning the exercise of powers that constitute the content of ownership rights are revealed. Further, disputes arising in law enforcement practice on the ownership of mining waste are studied and analyzed. Based on the analysis conducted in this article, proposals are presented aimed at clarifying the subject of ownership of mining waste and the moment of obtaining ownership upon mining wastes, as well as legislative regulation of the exercise of ownership rights to mining waste, which will be essential for resolving disputes arising between the subsoil user and the state in law enforcement practice.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the general theoretic analysis of legal category “privilege”. The author proposes and argues the hypothesis of the perception of privilege as a form of legal advantage different from such types of this system as courtesy and immunity. The work presents essential and substantial consideration of legal privilege from the point of view of the doctrine of law, historical and modern legislation, as well as law enforcement practice. The aim is to form a view of privilege as a form of improving the legal situation of individual entities with special legal status; to propose its definition. Methodology. Historical learning style, empirical methods of comparison, description, interpretation; theoretical methods of formal and dialectical logic. Specific scientific methods: technical approach, method of interpretation of legal norms. Results. Analysis of doctrinal sources of Russian and foreign law, historical monuments of jurisprudence, modern normative legal acts and law enforcement practice has shown thatthe category of privilege is often mixed with other legal means, having an incentive or rewarding character. On the basis of the establishment of similarity and distinction elements between privilege, courtesy and immunity, aspects of their interaction and existing contradictions, the author proves the independent categorical nature of privilege, identifies its specific features, which differ from related legal phenomena. Conclusion. In both legal science (theoretical and sectoral) and the system of legislation, it is necessary to clearly distinguish the understanding and application of the legal category “privilege” by means of: establishing legal definition, unification and specifying the provisions of normative acts using backing, incentive and rewarding instrumentarium; achieving the justifiable use of evaluation categories giving the right to the privilege. The actions taken should contribute not only to improving the efficiency of public relations regulation due to the legal advantages system, but also to reducing the corruption risks associated with the granting of such “on top of ” rights, diminishing administrative barriers on receipt and realization.

The subject of the present study is the institution of special complicity in terrorist activities as a comprehensive legal category, which includes legal regulation, doctrinal approaches to defining the boundaries and forms of special complicity, law enforcement practices, and comparative legal aspects. The goal of the research is dual in nature. The scientific-analytical component includes the systematization of existing theoretical approaches to understanding special complicity in terrorist activities, identification of gaps and conflicts in modern legal regulation, and analysis of the transformation of forms of complicity under the conditions of digitalization of criminal activities. The relevance of the research is due to the need to develop unified qualification criteria that would ensure adequate criminal-law assessment of the actions of accomplices, exclude unfounded liability, and enhance the effectiveness of international cooperation in combating terrorism. The study is based on comparative legal, formal legal, and criminological methods. Norms of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, judicial practices, international acts, and doctrinal approaches of domestic and foreign researchers have been analyzed. As a result of the study, contradictions in judicial practices regarding the qualification of aiding have been identified. Deficiencies in legislative regulation have been established: the lack of clear criteria for distinguishing between general and special complicity and gaps in the assessment of indirect assistance. A comparative analysis of legal models (Russian, European, American) revealed the need for a balance between the effectiveness of criminal prosecution and the protection of citizens' rights. The results may be used in: the improvement of Article 205.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation; in law enforcement practices (development of methodological recommendations for investigative bodies and courts); in international cooperation to combat terrorism. As conclusions, specific measures for improving legislation have been proposed: 1) introduction of an exhaustive list of forms of aiding in the annotation to Article 205.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation; 2) differentiation of liability taking into account the degree of involvement; 3) harmonization with international standards.

Finding an optimal balance of public and private interests in taxation is a task that must be addressed by the state, which seeks not only to increase tax revenues to the budget, but also to create optimal tax conditions for business and production development. Therefore, the analysis of the problems of legal regulation of mineral extraction tax (MET) in the extraction of multi-component complex ores, including the determination of the item and rate of taxation, and the search for their optimal solutions is aimed at improving tax legislation in the context of tax reform. Purpose: to analyse the problems of legal regulation of MET payment for the extraction of multi-component complex ores, including in determining the item and rate of taxation. Methods: empirical methods of description, interpretation; theoretical methods of formal and dialectical logic; specific scientific methods: legal-dogmatic and interpretation of legal norms. Results: the study reveals that there is no definition of the concept of «multi-component complex ore» in the provisions of the legislation on taxes and levies, as well as in sectoral regulations, therefore, it cannot be considered that such an item of taxation is defined and established by the legislator. The letters received by the tax authority from the Federal Agency for Subsoil Use (Rosnedra) are not regulatory acts and cannot be used as a basis for the regulatory authorities’ conclusions during tax audits. The analysis of the law enforcement (judicial) practice since 2002, as well as certain provisions of regulatory legal acts show that polymetallic ores containing non-ferrous and/or precious metals have historically been qualified as complex multi-component ores. Therefore, the authors propose to amend the tax legislation, taking into account the additional characteristics of multi-component complex ores when they are mined.

LGBT people in the United States continue to experience discrimination because of their sexual orientation and gender identity, despite increasing acceptance of LGBT people and legal recognition of marriage for same-sex couples nationwide. This ongoing discrimination can lead to under- and unemployment, resulting in socioeconomic disparities for LGBT people. In addition, empirical research has linked LGBT health disparities, including disparities in health-related risk factors, to experiences of stigma and discrimination. Currently, federal statutes in the United States do not prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity in employment, housing, or public accommodations, leaving regulation in this area primarily to state and local governments. This creates a limited and uneven patchwork of protections from discrimination against LGBT people across the country. Despite public support for LGBT-inclusive non-discrimination laws across the country, in 28 states there are no statewide statutory protections for LGBT people in employment, housing, or public accommodations. To date, only 20 states and the District of Columbia have enacted comprehensive non-discrimination statutes that expressly prohibit discrimination based on both sexual orientation and gender identity in all three of these areas. One additional state has statutes that prohibit sexual orientation discrimination, but not gender identity discrimination, in these areas. One other state prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in employment and housing, but not in public accommodations. In states without statutes that prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and/or gender identity, there are other policies that afford LGBT people at least some limited protections from discrimination. In some of these states, state executive branch officials have expanded non-discrimination protections for LGBT people under their executive or agency powers. For example, in three states, state government agencies have expanded broad protections from sexual orientation or gender identity discrimination through administrative regulations. And, in 12 states without statutes prohibiting discrimination against LGBT people, governors have issued executive orders that protect state government employees (and sometimes employees of state government contractors) from discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. In addition, local government ordinances provide another source of protection from discrimination; however, these laws are generally unenforceable in court and provide much more limited remedies than statewide non-discrimination statutes. In recent years, lawmakers have increasingly attempted to limit the reach of state and local non-discrimination laws, which can leave LGBT people vulnerable to discrimination. For example, some states have passed laws allowing religiously motivated discrimination and others have passed laws prohibiting local governments from enacting their own non-discrimination ordinances that are broader than state non-discrimination laws. While most of these bills have not passed, the recent increase in the introduction of these measures suggests that state legislatures will continue to consider rolling back non-discrimination protections for LGBT people in the coming years. Continued efforts are required at both the state and federal levels to ensure that LGBT people are fully protected from discrimination based on their sexual orientation and gender identity throughout the United States, including federal legislation and statewide bills in over half the states.

Hate crime is defined by the FBI as a criminal offense motivated by bias against the following protected categories: race, ethnicity, ancestry, religion, sexual orientation, disability, gender, and gender identity. There are three official sources of hate crime data in the United States: the Uniform Crime Report (UCR), the National Incident‐Based Reporting System (NIBRS, part of the UCR reporting program), and the NCVS (National Crime Victimization Survey). According to the FBI in 2018, of the 16,039 agencies that participated in the UCR reporting program, 2,026 agencies reported a total of 7,120 hate crime incidents. Both the UCR and NCVS reveal that victims were most commonly targeted due to their perceived race/ethnicity. Recommendations to reduce hate crime include condemnation of the hate incident by community leaders and proper identification and prosecution of criminal acts of hate.

Pembe Caretta

6520 Background: Most oncology practices do not collect patients’ sexual orientation (SO) or gender identity (GI) (SOGI), prohibiting assessment of sexual and gender minority (SGM) patients’ cancer disparities and identification of such patients in cancer care or research. Studies report that 90% of SGM patients would disclose their SOGI, while 78% of clinicians believe that patients would not. Preliminary evidence indicates that SOGI disclosure improves health outcomes. Organizations, including ASCO and NIH, have called for routine SOGI data collection, but institutional barriers, e.g. lack of SOGI fields in EMRs, hinder progress. This study aimed to delineate institutional and individual-level factors related to SOGI data collection in oncology. Methods: From Oct to Nov 2020, an anonymous 54 item online survey was distributed to ASCO members via direct outreach, listservs and social media. The survey assessed whether respondents’ institutions collect SOGI data, factors related to SOGI data collection, respondents’ attitudes about SOGI data and SGM patients, and demographics. Simple and multiple logistic regression modeling determined factors associated with respondents’ reports of SOGI data collection at their institutions. Results: Nearly half of 257 respondents reported their institutions collect SO and GI data (42%, 48%, respectively); over a third reported their institutions did not collect SO or GI data (36%, 34%, respectively); and a fifth were unsure (22%, 18%, respectively). Collection of both SO and GI was associated in unadjusted models with leadership support and having resources for SOGI data collection. SO collection was also associated with type of institution, having an SGM family member, and belief that knowing SO is important for providing quality care. GI collection was associated with the respondent’s role, SO, political leaning, past SGM training, and belief that knowing GI is important for providing care. Odds ratios (OR) from adjusted models with 95% confidence intervals (CI) comparing respondents who reported SO or GI collection as “Yes” vs. “No” are reported (comparisons to “Unsure” not presented). Most respondents (79%) felt it was important to know both SO and GI to provide quality care, while 14% felt neither was important. Conclusions: Whether or not institutions collect SOGI data is related to many factors. Despite limited statistical power, the same three factors emerged as drivers of data collection: leadership support, resources and individuals’ attitudes. These are critical and possibly self-reinforcing elements for collecting SOGI data.[Table: see text]

The research is conducted in order to develop practical recommendations for the further development and improvement of various forms or sources of law, individual legal acts, norms and institutions. The main objective of the article is to highlight the problems of legal regulation in the theory of legal science and in law enforcement practice, the elaboration of legal mechanisms and recommendations for improving current legislation, overcoming legal gaps.The subject of the research is the norms of Russian legislation regulating relations in the field of development work, legal positions reflected in judicial practice. The object of research is public relations related to the legal institution of a contract for the performance of development work. These agreements belong to the group of consensual, retaliatory and mutual, that is, bilaterally binding agreements that are considered concluded from the moment the parties reach all essential conditions.This type of contract has the features characteristic of both contracts for the performance of work and contracts for the provision of services. The practice of using this legal institution shows the dualistic legal nature of contracts of this type and the need to separate it into a separate independent type of contract – a contract of design activities and special legal regulation. Today in Russia, the contract for the implementation of the R&D is considered adjacent to the contract for the performance of work and is regulated by Chapter 38 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation.The purpose of this article is to study the main features of the contract for the performance of experimental design work, generalization or isolation of its general and specific features, analysis of various points of view on the issue of its legal nature, review of Russian legislation, as well as Russian judicial practice, their positive and negative aspects.Methodology. In order to best solve the task, a systematic approach was used in combination with a logical method. This allowed us to study the theoretical, factual and legal foundations of the phenomenon of the contract for the implementation of R&D. The comparative legal method was also used by comparing single legal concepts and processes, contrasting legal norms and identifying similarities and differences between them, using conclusions by analogy, relying on the similarity of the signs of the facts being studied, which will allow transferring the signs from one phenomenon being studied to another.Main results and scope of application. The article outlines the main features of the contract for the implementation of R&D, different points of view on the definition of the legal nature of this type of contract. The results of the study contribute to the identification of problems of legal regulation in the theory of legal science and in law enforcement practice, the elaboration of legal mechanisms and recommendations for improving current legislation, overcoming legal gaps.

As increasing numbers of transgender, gender diverse, and queer youths come out to their friends, families and communities, their rights to express their identities in public life have become the subject of intense media scrutiny and political debate. But for all the attention transgender, gender diverse, and queer youth have received from politicians, journalists, and public intellectuals, basic science research on how these youth actually experience their identities over time remains scarce. In this monograph, we contribute to the emerging knowledge base on this topic by presenting a detailed quantitative description of gender identity and sexual orientation in a sample of over 900 North American transgender, gender diverse, and cisgender youths in the Trans Youth Project (Mage = 8.1 years at first visit; Mage = 14.3 at latest visit; 99% living in the United States, 1% in Canada; 69% non-Hispanic white; 73% household income >$75,000). Youths are in one of three groups: (1) a group of early identifying transgender youths, who were supported by their parents in a social gender transition (changing their name, pronouns, hairstyle, and clothing) by age 12 (Mage at transition = 6.5; N = 317); (2) a group of their siblings, who were cisgender at the beginning of their participation in the study (N = 218); and (3) a group of cisgender youths who were age- and gender-matched to, but not family members of, the early identifying transgender youths (N = 377). Data on the youths' identities have been collected from the youths themselves and their parents between 2013 and 2024. We had two primary research goals. First, we described stability or change in youths' gender identity (Chapter 4) and sexual orientation (Chapter 6). We asked whether transgender youths' rates of change were or were not different from those of cisgender youths. Second, we examined whether measures of gender development earlier in development were related to youths' later gender identity (Chapter 5) or sexual orientation (Chapter 6) trajectories into adolescence. Stability in gender identity was by far the most common pathway for youths in all three groups, with over 80% of youths showing stability throughout their participation in the study. We saw similarity between the three groups of youths, such that the early identifying transgender youths were no more or less likely to show gender change than their siblings or youths in the unrelated comparison sample. Nevertheless, 11.9% of youths who started as cisgender were not so at their most recent report-a much higher proportion than would be predicted based on assumptions held in classic developmental psychology research about gender since the 1950s. When gender change did occur in all three groups, it overwhelmingly involved change to (and, to a lesser extent, from) a nonbinary gender identity. Results were similar regardless of whether youth- or parent-report data were considered, and we found no evidence that youths were more or less likely to change at particular ages. We observed some evidence that more gender nonconformity in childhood (e.g., more femininity in childhood among children living as boys) was related to later gender change, but results were somewhat inconsistent across measures and gender identities. Youths showed diverse sexual orientations, with 60% of binary transgender and 33% of cisgender adolescents expressing queer (i.e., not straight) romantic or sexual interest. A high percentage of youths overall (37%) indicated interest in both boys and girls-a pattern particularly common among nonbinary youths. Finally, more than a third of youths have shown change in their sexual orientation, and childhood gender nonconformity was associated with whether currently binary transgender or cisgender teenagers most recently reported a queer identity. Our results accord with recent evidence indicating that today's youth are defying assumptions about gender and sexual orientationfrom decades of developmental research, considering gender and sexual orientation to be relatively flexible social identitiesrather than ones that are fixed, and view gender as having more than two categories. Early identifying transgender children's sense of their own gender was no more or less stable than cisgender children's, suggesting that children who are supported in their transgender identities tend to show developmental patterns that mirror their cisgender peers. Finally, in Chapter 7, we discuss how our findings exemplify and respond to this unique historical moment, the ways in which our findings do and do not align with past work about gender- nonconforming children, and how future research can continue to make strides toward better understanding a wider swath of gender development trajectories.