Ինչո՞ւ Ազգերի լիգան 1920 թ. չի վիճարկել Արևելահայաստանում Հայաստանի Հանրապետության տիտղոսը և օրինական չի ճանաչել Ադրբեջանական Դեմոկրատական Հանրապետության տարածքային հավակնությունները

Since the end of the cold war the world and the international relations have changed dramatically. One of the changes is the spread of generally acknowledged values. This has diminished the scope of domestic jurisdiction or the so-called domaine réservé of the State and has caused that human rights, democracy and the rule of law form an inseparable and steadfast trinity or trilogy of international law. However, which consequences this major development has with regard to international law, is not clarified in all aspects yet or even picked out as a central theme. One aspect of this change is that democracy is a reality in international law. This reality has many aspects and features. One of these aspects is that the adherence to democracy is more and more advancing into the field of the recognition of States and Goverments. Recognition is a unilateral act performed by the Government of the recognizing State. Recognition of States must be distinguished from recognition of Governments, each form having its own theories and practices. However, an identic pattern is that democracy is becoming a precondition for the recognition of new States and Goverments. This can be exemplified with the »Declaration on the Guidelines on the Recognition of the New States in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union« accepted by the EC Foreign Ministers on 16 December 1991. In this declaration the EC-Member-States demanded inter alia, also the adherence to democracy from the new States. These criteria were also applied to the States emerging from the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Additionally, with regard to the recognition of Montenegro, Kosovo and further new States, a number of countries stressed that their recognition was because of the clearly visible democracy improvements. The same applies to the recognition of new Goverments. A very prominent example is the so-called Tobar-doctrine of 1907 according to which recognition of a Government should only be granted if the respective administration came to power by legitimate democratic means. This idea has become an international leitmotif in the last couple of years. In practice States frequently condemne coups détat of democratically elected Goverments and object to recognize the coup leaders. Therefore, the effective control over the States territory is not the only criterion anymore for the recognition of an authority as the Government of a State. This State practice is also accompanied by the necessary opinio juris. It is today definitly allowed under international law to link the recognition of a State or a Goverment to the adherence of certain democratic standards. Furthermore, in certain regions of the world like Europe and America it is today already an obligation to restrain a State or a Goverment the recognition, if only basic democratic standards are not fulfilled. In the residual parts of the world this process is at least in statu nascendi. For the future this development implies a number of challenges, as the reluctance of granting a recognition can cause serious legal uncertainty. However, at the same time the new path of international practice might lead to more security, as it can also hold possible coup leaders off overthrowing a Goverment. But the future will show this.

Acknowledgements Introduction 1. The EC's recognition policy: origins and terms of reference 2. Recognition of states: legal thinking and historic practice 3. International law, international relations and the recognition of states 4. EC recognition of new states in Yugoslavia: the strategic consequences 5. Political conditionality and conflict management Conclusion Appendices: EPC Declaration on the Recognition of New States in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (16 December 1991) EPC Declaration on Yugoslavia (16 December 1991) Treaty Provisions for the Convention (at 4 November 1991) Bibliography Index.

The article examines the problem of recognition of new states in international law. The author considers the concept, sources, theories, criteria of the institution of recognition of new states. The author analyzes various theories of the Institute of recognition of states, taking into account the provisions of the international law doctrine and practice. The author notes that at the present stage of development of the institute of recognition we should be guided by the mixed theory of recognition as the most corresponding to international law, and by States’ practice. The author discloses criteria for the recognition of States enshrined in international legal acts. At the same time, the author singles out the criterion of the legality of new states’ emergence. The conclusion is that the creation of a new State as a subject of international law is legitimate, if its appearance corresponds to the fundamental principles of international law. The appearance of a new state must not violate the mandatory principles of international law jus cogens, otherwise, a territorial formation can not claim to be internationally recognized and must be considered from the point of view of international law as illegally created.

The purpose of this article is to study the specificities of the regulatory framework for liability for endangerment in the criminal legislation of some post-Soviet countries (Republic of Azerbaijan, Republic of Belarus, Republic of Armenia, Georgia and Republic of Kazakhstan).Results.The article analyses the experience of establishing criminal liability for endangerment of such post-Soviet states as the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Republic of Belarus, the Republic of Armenia, Georgia, and the Republic of Kazakhstan.Given the different degrees of social dangerousness, it is proposed to use the experience of the Republic of Belarus and Georgia and to distinguish between the acts of deliberate abandonment of a person in danger without aid and putting the victim in harm's way by the perpetrator according to different parts of Article 135 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.Moreover, the latter socially dangerous act is proposed to consider as a qualified corpus delicti of endangerment.The author supports the idea, implemented in the law on criminal liability of the Republic of Kazakhstan and to supplement Article 135 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine with Part 4, providing for such a specially qualified corpus delicti of endangerment, as the acts provided for in the previous parts of Article 135 if they caused the death of two or more persons.Conclusions.It is concluded that the experience of some post-Soviet states in establishing criminal liability for endangerment is quite interesting and deserves special attention in the context of modernisation of the current version of Article 135 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.In particular, the ideas of expanding the sanction of Part 1 of Article 135 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine with such basic alternative punishments as correctional (Criminal Code of the Republic of Azerbaijan) and community service (Criminal Code of Georgia), to distinguish the act of abandonment from putting the victim in harm's way by the perpetrator between different parts of the article (Criminal Code of the Republic of Belarus and Georgia), to supplement Article 135 of the law on criminal liability with other specially qualified corpus delicti of endangerment (Criminal Code of the Republic of Kazakhstan) etc.

The article is devoted to the study of constitutional environmental rights in the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. The author focuses on the fact that in Armenia, constitutional norms do not formally enshrine constitutional environmental rights, which reflects the novelty of the study. In the Republic of Azerbaijan, constitutional environmental rights are reflected in domestic legislation, but they have their own individual features that distinguish them from other CIS member states. In the domestic legislation of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the legislator reflects only the category of damage.Harm that can also be caused to a citizen as a subject of law is not reflected in the laws of Azerbaijan.In our opinion, this fact indicates a lack of legal regulation. In the Republic of Armenia, constitutional environmental rights are not formally reflected in constitutional norms, but they are reflected in the norms of the fundamentals of legislation on environmental protection. At the same time, the constitutional norms of Armenia stipulate that laws must comply with constitutional laws. In this regard, we consider it necessary to enshrine in the constitutional norms of Armenia the classical triad of constitutional environmental rights reflected in the domestic legislation of this state.

Methods. The labor market is an objectively necessary element of a market economy. Without a full-fledged labor market, the full functioning of market relations as a system is impossible. The elimination of unemployment and the fight against its negative consequences are impossible without systematic research and analysis of the current situation in the labor market, the causes of unemployment, and the demand and supply of labor. The labor organization of the population is the basis of social progress, one of the main conditions for the realization of the interests and basic needs of citizens. Results. The transformation of the country&39’s economy significantly depends on minimizing unemployment, optimal use of labor resources, and the formation of a modern civilized labor market. The article discusses the current trends in employment of the population in the post-Soviet countries during the transition period from a planned economy to a market economy, the objective and subjective causes of structural unemployment, and the impact of regional characteristics of the labor market on the quality of employment. Novelty. The states of the post-Soviet space are gradually transforming and forming an understanding of the labor market as a mechanism for the exploitation of workers and the impossibility of its existence under socialism, since it did not fit into the ideology of building the most just society in the world. Thus, if we talk about the post-Soviet space as something homogeneous, taking into account the common historical path of these states and the common results obtained at the end of «this path», then the following trends have been identified in the labor market of post-Soviet countries: – Decline in the growth rate of the labor force after the collapse of the USSR - Significant labor migration – Low wages and high cost of living. – Underdevelopment of the labor market due to the immaturity of market relations. Practical value. The difficulties that have arisen in the post-Soviet countries during the transition from a planned economy to market relations require an in-depth study of this problem in order to correctly select socio-economic priorities and form an effectively functioning economy.

The relevance of the study lies in the fact that the Bar is a self-governing institution of civil society, and given its specific functional purpose, it plays an important role in the unified system of law enforcement agencies, in strengthening legal awareness in the state. The purpose of the study is to find the ways for further improvement of the organisational framework of the Bar in the Republic of Azerbaijan. In accordance with this goal, the task of the study is to analyse the foreign experience of the organisation of the Practice of Law and the Bar from the standpoint of expediency and possibilities of its use in the Republic of Azerbaijan. The methodological basis of the study is the general scientific dialectical method of cognition and the private scientific methods arising from it: systemic and structural, specific sociological, technical and legal, comparative jurisprudence, and other scientific methods of cognition of socio-political methods and processes. The use of these methods made it possible to study the Bar and the principles of its activities in the Republic of Azerbaijan and foreign countries in an interconnected, integral, comprehensive, and objective manner. The conclusion of the study is the argumentation of the position that the practice of law in the Republic of Azerbaijan, as well as in other post-Soviet countries, is possible in various organisational forms, but all subjects of the bar community have one exclusive goal – to facilitate and assist the development of their professional activities. At the same time, the author argues that in order to be effective, the bar community should facilitate the economic activity of its members, and this activity should be exclusively auxiliary to the main activity. The study also substantiates specific proposals for improving the legal regulation of the organisational structure of the Bar of the Republic of Azerbaijan, which will contribute to the efficiency of its functioning.

This article examines transformations of females' representation in women's magazines of Soviet and Post-Soviet times. The paper is based on case study of two domestic publications Rabotnitsa and Krestyanka of two decades before Soviet Union's collapse (1971-1990) and two decades after it (1991-2010). Using the method of content analysis, texts, visuals and advertising are analyzed in terms of portraying women as of their gender and social roles, occupational images, beauty types, body languages, and job representations. Range of topics of the women's magazines of two periods under research are compared. Major inference of the study is that Soviet propaganda and communist values are replaced by a western-style image of a woman in Post-Soviet women's magazines, yet still influenced by traditional Slavic views of womanhood.

Twentieth-century events in Russia and Eastern Europe resulted in complex definitions of Jewish identity and communal relations. When the Soviet Union disbanded, foreign agencies pushed funds and resources to rebuild Jewish communities and institutions. One of the avenues for this funding is the creation and support of academic research centers responsible for training students and scholars. Organizations interested in Russia’s “unaffiliated Jews” and the research centers responsible for the revival of Jewish Studies form unique partnerships that bridge academic and public arenas. Reclaiming Jews who do not identify with Judaism or Jewish culture (unaffiliated Jews) in Russia is a significant goal of some Jewish funding agencies in the United States and Israel. An examination of mission statements by these philanthropic agencies reveals narrow definitions of “Jews” that ignore major contributions from Jewish Studies scholars focused on understanding a diverse population with disparate self-understandings.

In April 2016, Azerbaijan and Armenia resumed their conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, reawakening tensions that had not been settled since the first years of the Soviet Legacy and, most of all, the end of the 1992-94 war. The first part of the present article aims at investigating the main historical and political reasons behind this “frozen conflict”. In order to reach this goal, the author will analyze the main issues in support of the status quo in the area, such as the Turko-Russian influence, the role of the European Union (EU) and the situation of minorities and IDPs. The article also offers an analysis of the Minsk Group, originally formed by the OSCE for conflict prevention and resolution in the territory, and proposes new perspectives to overcome the power games affecting its current structure and activity. Particularly, in the conclusion, the author promotes the benefits of an exercise of soft power such as a ground-level cooperation between the EU and Azerbaijan. Especially if placed within a wider reform of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), this promotion of structural reforms in Nagorno-Karabakh might represent a valuable model to look at within the relations entertained by the EU with its Eastern Partners.

Key words: Batum, Constantinople, Ottoman Empire, Republic of Armenia, Republic of Azerbaijan, Zangezur, Andranik, border problems Despite the fact that the Treaty of Batumi assumed that the government of the Ottoman Empire would be informed about the agreement concluded between the governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan regarding the establishment of interstate borders, this agreement was never reached. The republics had already been proclaimed without marking their borders. Each of the newly-independent states was trying to expand the borders at the expense of the other. Each republic was trying to justify its claims, but in the end it was the political power and the number of weapons that mattered. That was the reason why the relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan continued to remain tense and hostile. Regarding the status of Zangezur, neither side was going to retreat or at least agree to a compromise. Although Azerbaijan had military advantage and controlled the passages leading to the region, Armenians, who formed the majority of the population of Zangezur, were determined to join Armenia. Because of the entirely different positions on the issue of borders, no allied protocol was signed and no borders were drawn. Concerned about the physical existence of its own people, Armenia tried to establish "bearable" relationship with Azerbaijan and carry out a cautious policy on the issue of Zangezur due to the presence of Turkey. The tense and hostile relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan continued up to the end of World War I and the withdrawal of Turkish troops from the region.

El colapso de la URSS afectó negativamente en muchos aspectos las relaciones formadas en los años en el campo de la ciencia y la educación entre países individuales: las antiguas repúblicas de la URSS y equipos de científicos. El documento contiene los tipos clave de concursos científicos celebrados en la Federación de Rusia para la investigación conjunta con equipos de científicos de los países de la CEI, así como un análisis exhaustivo de la dinámica de las solicitudes presentadas para proyectos conjuntos y el número de concursos ganados en el contexto de países individuales de la CEI. Los autores hicieron recomendaciones para ampliar la cooperación en el campo de la I + D entre investigadores de los países de la CEI y científicos rusos.

This article examines the diplomatic and propaganda efforts undertaken by Peru between 1919 and 1922 within the framework of the League of Nations, aimed at securing foreign powers’ intervention in the territorial disputes between Peru and Chile over Tacna and Arica. Following the premise that the League of Nations would resolve international disputes in the post-World War I era, Peru conducted extensive propaganda campaigns through its legations in Europe, the United States, and Brazil to garner support from these countries in recovering territories lost during the War of the Pacific. The study analyzes the strategies employed by Peruvian diplomats, supported by the involvement of foreign jurists and publicists sympathetic to Peru’s cause. This analysis reveals how Peru capitalized on the emerging structure of international law and the global influence of the League of Nations to advance its territorial claims, utilizing both formal diplomacy and propaganda to achieve its objectives.

206Recognition — States — Criteria for recognition — Nature of recognition — Whether constitutive or declaratory — Recognition a discretionary act — Requirement that entity to be recognized complies with rules of international law regarding non-use of force and protection of minorities — Guidelines for recognition of new States in Eastern Europe issued by the European Community and its Member StatesStates — Criteria for statehood — Continuity of States — Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia — Whether no longer in existence — Federal Republic of Yugoslavia established by Serbia and Montenegro — Whether meeting criteria for statehood — Whether continuation of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia — Whether requiring recognition

With the collapse of the USSR, fifteen fledgling sates inherited a massive Soviet arsenal, unstable political systems, and desperate economies. A sell everything mentality threatens to result in the largest arms bazaar in human history, and this potential fire sale includes weapons of mass destruction. This book addresses the challenges the new independent states (NIS) of the former Soviet Union (FSU) face in controlling and monitoring their sensitive, military-related exports.Dangerous Weapons, Desperate States explores the various theoretical approaches that help explain the development of nonproliferation export control systems in the NIS. The contributors, coming from both the FSU states and the US, provide a broad range of perspectives on the problems posed by the threat of proliferation.