全球化與社會政策的未來：德國“新中間”路線之爭議

What is the relationship between locality and globalization? Can locales resist the flow of capital? By using the concept ＂locality at large＂, this paper tries to examine these issues empirically, and tries to shed light on the ＂very big＂ inter-village communal festivals within the Han Chinese folk religion within the modern global arena. Under the nationalist situation and global economy, people tend to think more about the security of their particular place in the world. Places then are the ＂contested terrain of competing definitions＂. Nevertheless, to discuss the contemporary place, we still need to look back at our traditional place. This paper tries to explore the issue of traditional place through a new lens. The ＂Saikang Koah-hiu＂ procession in Southern Taiwan is a very large local festival which involves more than ninety palanquins and troupes. It originated from the terror of floods and plagues in the Tsengwen river area; thus a large inter-village communal ritual cooperation began to emerge. Even the change of regional land measurements and boundary disputes haven’t disrupted this cooperation. Furthermore, historically, the function of conferring a newly emerging village’s authenticity through building up a ＂large communal locality＂ has become crucially important. Once every three years, the ＂Saikang Koah-hiu＂ takes place within a large festival combining several other rituals, including a Daoist ＂Lord offering＂ ritual, a ceremony that emulates etiquette within imperial yamens (higher level government offices), a Boat-burning ritual, and a three-day inter-communitarian territorial procession. During the period of about one week, it is believed that the Jade Emperor sends three of the Gods of Pestilence (among twelve) to ＂Saikang＂ to control pestilence and recover social justice. This festival has continued to be held in this area for more than 200 years. We offer a model, ＂Ecology of Authentification＂, which can explain how a village accomplishes its village production and reproduction through not only political and economic institutions, but also through ＂traditional institutions＂. This model of ＂Ecology of Authentification＂ explains how, under each specific natural and social ecology, a village can attain authenticity through a process of ritual confirmation and public demonstration. The mechanism of the ＂large locality’s＂ conferring function is the special yet typical lesson we learn from the ＂Saikang＂ case. In particular, we offer several parallel concepts to substantiate our analyses: authentification of magic power vs. authentification of the reciprocal side; and master authentification vs. subauthentification. When this ＂large locality＂ enters into the modern national state, there are a lot of confrontations and negotiations. This ＂large locality＂, with its original function of conferring authentification, now plays the role of static and dynamic cultural heritage for the nation-state; and also the possible role of accumulating capital for global capitalists. Within these interstices, the formerly very marginal agricultural region ＂Saikang＂, re-enters as a nexus between the core and the periphery. Finally, we make a comparison between locality, large locality and pilgrimage center, and discuss of how traditional ways of reproducing locality can be relevant to modern nationalist institutions and the global economic system.

Article Commentary| February 03 2021 Responding to Socioeconomic Diversity in the European Union (and to Steven Klein’s Essay) with Democracy-Enhancing Conflicts Law Collections: Section: Politics, Governance, and the Law Christian Joerges Christian Joerges 1Hertie School, Berlin, Germany; Bremen University, Germany Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar 1.joerges@hertie-school.org; cjoerges@zerp.uni-bremen.de Global Perspectives (2021) 2 (1): 18788. https://doi.org/10.1525/gp.2021.18788 Article history Received: October 20 2020 Accepted: November 12 2020 Connected Content related: European Law and the Dilemmas of Democratic Capitalism Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Christian Joerges; Responding to Socioeconomic Diversity in the European Union (and to Steven Klein’s Essay) with Democracy-Enhancing Conflicts Law. Global Perspectives 1 February 2021; 2 (1): 18788. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/gp.2021.18788 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentGlobal Perspectives Search Topics Politics, Governance, and the Law Keywords: karl polanyi, european integration, conflicts law, integration through law These comments summarize exchanges with Steven Klein that accompanied the development of his work on Karl Polanyi following a presentation on “The Crisis as Polanyi’s Double Movement” in my Law and Governance course at the Hertie School back in March 2017. Our exchange echoes our shared interest in the work of Karl Polanyi. Since we are both operating in different disciplines, we had to take the disciplinary specifics of our readings of this maître penseur into account—that is, to come to terms with our substantive and methodological affinities and differences. Interdisciplinary exchanges between social theorists and jurists are, of course, anything but new. They are nevertheless still demanding. Friedrich Kratochwil has provided us with a noteworthy characterization of the pitfalls of interdisciplinary exchange, as well as its potential. In a comment on Anne-Mary Slaughter’s seminal contributions to international relations theory, he distinguishes between (a) the “Chinese menu approach,” where studies... You do not currently have access to this content.

Recent studies by economists such as Piketty (2013, 2019) and Atkinson (2015) have contested the well-established view that post-war redistribution policies have been successful in the long term at slowing down the rise of structural inequalities. In reality, the claim goes, they have dealt mostly with reducing inequalities of income through redistribution and have left inequalities of wealth and capital ownership uncontrolled. These, according to their studies, have now risen in the developed world and reached levels more typical of 19th Century Europe. To make matters worse, perceptions of and attitudes towards fighting inequalities as unjust that Rawls saw as based on a wide consensus of citizens' "considered judgments" (Rawls, 1999, p. 17), have changed, leading to them being accepted as the justified and even necessary price to pay for economic growth and as a reward for merit. Economic arguments based on the need for incentives for raising productivity and the "trickle-down effect" have become widely accepted as if the price of economic efficiency should be disconnected from the demands of equity. Meritocracy has provided ethical arguments too. As John Roemer says, "today the most important problem for the social sciences of inequality is understanding how electorates have come to acquiesce to policies which increase inequality… and to try revealing the logic of the I would like to thank the editors of the Special Issue on Rawls for inviting me to develop ideas that I first presented in a previous paper published in French in 2016, "L'état-providence face aux inégalités et la démocratie de propriétaires: une comparaison entre Meade, Rawls, Ackerman et Piketty," Tocqueville Review, 2/2016), as well as in another paper in English in 2018: « Self-development and Social Justice ». I hope to be able to develop these ideas in a future book on property-owning democracy and its philosophical justifications.

This article discusses the paradoxical absence of social justice (both as a feature of political discourse and in terms of policy-making) in post-communist Lithuania. It addresses the question of how the politically successful Social Democratic Party has been able to function without proclaiming social democratic values and implementing social democratic policies. Here it would appear that supply of and demand for social justice is reduced by the relatively low levels of personal income in the country as well as the growing standard of living. The present social security system seems to satisfy those who mostly depend on it, whilst also accommodating the needs of those who enjoy higher levels of economic welfare. Most characteristic of the contemporary Lithuanian public arena is a conservative discourse emphasizing moral themes, improvement of society, general interest, citizenship, and justice. It is reinforced by nationalist values, which place the accent on the nation and the state. Social democratic discourse is relatively unpopular. Firstly, the recent liberation from a communist regime allegedly founded on a radical version of social democratic values means that this type of discourse might become a source of stigma. Secondly, the multiple reforms that are necessary in the political, economic, social and cultural domains make the social democratic (egalitarian, distributive) discourse blatantly unworkable. Instead, the post-communist Lithuanian Social Democrats prefer to use liberal and economist language, as if they had learned the historical lesson about the limits of the state and the evils of paternalistic engagements. The only semantic field where social democratic notions find some substantial place in Lithuania is academic discourse.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze mental health care in Australia from a social justice and human rights perspective, in order to demonstrate that social justice as a philosophical manifestation of justice and fairness, is an essential ingredient in the theory and practice of mental health care. It is contended that the needs of the mentally ill would be most appropriately answered by the utilization of a Natural Law model, based on Finnis's Natural Law theory. The Scope of the Thesis.The needs and care of the mentally ill are discussed, together with the treatment meted out to these vulnerable members of society since, approximately, the year 1800. Neither the criminally insane, nor the intellectually disabled are included in this discourse. Each group of people merits a thesis on its own: criminal insanity requires a debate to include the history, psychiatric and legal approaches to the subject, and current management of the insane. The intellectually disabled are not mentally ill; their ability to function as all round, naturally competent individuals is diminished by an inadequacy and/or impairment of their intellectual capacities. The needs of these two groups are far too broad and demanding to be included within the current thesis. Rationale for the Timeframe The timeframe, 1800 until 2004, has been established because it approximates to the transition from the end of the Classical through the Modern Age to the Post Modern Age, together with the predominance of Enlightenment philosophical theories, and the development of a scientific approach to medicine. Further, many politico-economic and social changes were taking place, associated with the Industrial Revolution. All are shown to have affected the introduction of asylumdom, and the institutionalization of those unable to participate actively in the industrial workforce.;Of significant importance to the development of institutionalization for such marginal groups is the philosophy of Jeremy Bentham. Bentham espoused Classical Utilitarianism which will be shown to believe that the ultimate standard of utility is not the individual's happiness but the greatest amount of happiness altogether. The thesis will demonstrate that this philosophical view prevailed from the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, with Benthamism influencing the sequestration of the unemployable into institutional life. Development of the Thesis.The thesis is developed against a background of prevailing philosophical, and other changes as stated above, including the medicalization of mental illness and the development of psychiatry as a branch of medicine. There is manifestation of many social injustices to those incarcerated in the asylum in all three countries under consideration: England, USA, and Australia. It is demonstrated that social justice and human rights of their work forces were disregarded by many employers at the time of the Industrial Revolution. Such values were, therefore, unlikely to prevail with regard to the mentally ill. Asylumdom continued with few changes in its practices until after World War II. It is shown that the predominance of post Enlightenment theories, together with further politico-economic, social and pharmaceutical revolutionary change followed the Second World War. Encouraged also by the founding of the United Nations and World Health Organizations as well as provision of the Declaration of Human Rights, circumstances led to the process of de-institutionalization of the mentally ill. The latter were decanted with apparently unseemly haste into a community ill prepared for such a change, and with little evidence of infra- structure to support the move. Need to conduct a National Inquiry. There was, then, a need to investigate what was now an overt issue of mental health care.;The two subsequent inquiries by the Australian Health Ministers Advisory Council, (AHMAC) and the Burdekin Report, both focused on social justice issues, and addressed epidemiological, economic, sociological and justice considerations. Within the thesis, both investigations are critiqued against a Natural Law model, using Finnis's Natural Law theory. It is demonstrated that contrary to Enlightenment principles of social justice as described by Miller, such a theory is eminently practical, and answers the needs of all members of the community, providing not merely 'the greatest happiness for the greatest number' but the common good of all Conclusion. Evidence shows that such a Natural Law theory is required to give a firm foundation to the needs of the mentally ill, especially at a time when relativism, economic rationalism and negative aspects of globalization prevail. Without such a basis the mentally ill are left insecure, uncertain and adrift in a world uncaring of their plight, while all the earnest exhortations espoused by Reports remain platitudes, subject to the whims of whatever government is in power. Our responsibilities to all our fellow human beings demand better from us than this.

Two fundamental and world-wide trends — globalization and pluralization — are influencing the Canadian economy, the development of social structures and the restructuring of the welfare state. The two trends create contradictory forces for the politics of social policy. On the one hand, economic globalism is constraining governments’ abilities to solve national problems, while on the other, various communities and social movements are calling for the recognition of new rights and the introduction of new policies of protection from the turmoil of economic change. Corporations demand open markets and freedom from the constraints of social policies, while citizens demand greater social policy intervention as a way of meeting needs and advancing justice.

Democratic Culture and Governance is a collection of essays by prominent Latin American social scientists who were brought together by UNESCO to discuss issues of democracy at a conference held in Montevideo, Uruguay, in 1990. The organization of this conference in Latin America was a recognition of the significance of the region for the debate about the theory and practice of democratization and democratic governance. The contributors include Manuel A. Garretón, Francois Bourricaud, Torcuato Di Tella, Norbert Lechner, Michel Maffesoli, Helio Jaguaribe, Mario Dos Santos, Osvaldo Sunkel, Ariel Davrieux, Enrique Leff, Dante Caputo, Jorge Sabato, Raúl Bernal-Meza, and Luis Albala-Bertrand. The articles by these prominent Latin Americanists address three main topics: issues of transition processes, economic conditions and the dilemmas of democratic governance, and democratization in the context of international restructuring. The collection provides a sense of some of the most troubling issues affecting democracy in Latin America, especially how prominent social scientists view these problems. The articles, however, lack depth. They are short pieces that look like conference commentaries rather than carefully-thought-out scholarly articles. In this sense, the book is useful as a documentation of the relevant issues discussed at the Montevideo conference, but it cannot be viewed as a significant contribution to the academic literature on democratization processes in Latin America.Social Democracy in Latin America should be welcomed by students of comparative politics and social democracy. Outstanding social scientists from Latin America and Europe provide informative and insightful analyses of the relationship between European and Latin American social democracy. The essays can be divided into two categories. One set of articles focuses on the analysis of the social democratic experience in Europe and its relevance for Latin America; the second set examines the experiences, possibilities, and limitations of social democracy in Latin America. Contributors to the book are Tilman Evers, Kenneth Hermele, Paul Cammack, Manuel Alcántara Sáez, Pablo González Casanova, Marcelo Cavarozzi, Alex Fernández Jilberto, Luis Gómez Calcaño, Julio Cotler, Augustin Cueva, Jaime Tamayo, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and Alain Touraine.The articles by Evers, Hermele, Cammack, and Alcántara Sáez address two main topics: the social democratic experience in Germany, Sweden, England, and Spain and the nature of the relationship between the European social democratic governments and parties and their Latin American counterparts. A major theme examined in these chapters is whether economic or political motivations accounted for the increasing interest of European social democrats in Latin America. The chapters concentrating on Latin America address more general themes, as in the chapter on the Left in South America by Cavarozzi, or concentrate on country or regional studies, including those of Chile, Venezuela, Peru, Ecuador, Central America, and Mexico.The last two chapters address questions about the challenges of social democracy in Latin America. Cardoso examines the tension between the role of the market and that of the state in the allocation of resources and the redistribution of income. In Latin America, under the present conditions of external debt and inflation, the trend has been to privatize. But while privatization in great proportion is, according to Cardoso, unacceptable, social democrats must carefully evaluate how Latin American economies can open up. The final essay, by Touraine, discusses social democracy as a political project, the various meanings of social democracy, and possible ways out of the present situation at a time when the room for positive solutions is narrow. Overall, the essays are rich in information and provide a critical outlook on the social democratic experiences in Europe and Latin America.

As we have seen in its fact, the reformation program which is implemented not on the base of the Indonesian nation’s core philosophy drags Indonesian to come into multi-crisis situation. The violence conflict, terrorism, ethnical, racial, class and religious conflicts in this country had sacrificed a big amount of innocence nation’s generation. All of that is caused by unemployed philosophical base of Indonesian state, Pancasila which is dealt with divinity values, humanity, nationality, democracy and social justice in the process of reformation. Therefore, to form the democratic, religious and civilized society in the process of reformation since globalization era, the revitalization of nation state’s philosophical foundation is a must. In addition to form such society, the bureaucrats and political elites ought to develop their political communication attitude based on the morality, religious and civilized values as its result as to realize the welfare society on the togetherness as its foundation. In accordance with both national and rural developments, the philosophy of nation-state must be despised as the foundation of paradigmatic orientation of culture strategy because of national and rural developments are complex problem. Philosophy provides an inter-connected policy foundations and guidance in finding a wise solution to the complex problem.

David S. Bell and Byron Criddle Exceptional Socialists: The Case of the French Socialist Party, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2014; 235 pp: 9780230282278, 68 [pounds sterling] (hbk) Two decades after their 1984 work chronicling the rise of France's Parti Socialiste (hereinafter PS, or Socialists) as a party of government, Bell and Criddle's latest work provides an excellent, and much-needed, up-to-date account of the party, with a particular focus on the post-Mitterrand era. Exceptional Socialists: The Case of the French Socialist Party (2014) is a crisply written work that offers both a well-informed history of the party's evolution and a rich discussion of the influence of the French political institutional context on the party's ideology and policy programmes. The book's density of information on the party and the surrounding institutional environment mean that it will be of interest to scholars of French politics, whilst its accessible style and relatively short length also mean that students or those with a keen interest in the Parti Socialiste would benefit from the book. The introduction sets out a neat, if brief, case for 'French exceptionalism' and its relationship to French socialism. This helps to form the basis of the book's central claim, that the PS remains 'exceptional' amongst its European counterparts due to its historical resistance to 'social democratisation' and poor electoral record. It is this theme that the authors weave through the rest of the book as they explore what has shaped the party's ideology, policy programmes, discourse and electoral strategies. Of the books subsequent eight central chapters, the first six are organised thematically around the most salient institutional factors that have shaped the PS since its founding in 1969. This begins with a look at the competitive context of the French electoral system, before an account of the internal institutional structures and workings of the PS as a party is set out. It is, however, Chapter 4's discussion of the party's competing internal factions, or courants, that have characterised the party since its inception, which helps to put flesh on the bones of this institutional account of the party. Although, as they note, the ideological strength of these factions has been replaced by a more superficial, personality-focused battle between leading individuals (p. 58), the chapter's concise biographies of key 'faction personalities' in the post-Mitterrand party aptly demonstrates to the reader the fractious and elite organisation of the central party. Following this, Bell and Criddle cover the party's historically tense relationship with presidentialism, which, though contrary to the party's republican values, helped to establish an institutional environment wherein the PS could supersede the Parti Communiste Francais (PCF) as the major party on the Left. Yet despite the decline of the PCF, the historic influence of the Communists, and indeed the wider 'minoritarian left', in shaping PS ideology is not underestimated. This account captures the awkward ideological position in which the PS finds itself on French political terrain; caught between influential Marxist parties to its left, which has led to a resistance of 'social democratisation' and in particular the social liberalism of the Third Way (p. 111), and its inability to even establish a reputation as the 'party of welfare' due to support for the welfare state on the right (p. 121). The latter two chapters then go on to plot the historical trajectory of the party from 1988 to 2014, and work effectively to tie together the assorted themes already covered, before the concluding chapter presents a highly critical analysis of Hollande and the PS governments since 2012. …

This Ph.D.-dissertation studies the locational policies agendas of four secondary capital cities, namely Bern, Ottawa, The Hague and Washington, DC. Secondary capital cities are defined as capitals that are not the primary economic city of their nation states. Economic globalization challenges the primacy of capital cities and it pressure secondary capital cities to enter a globalized and increasingly knowledge-intense interurban competition. Cities aim to enhance their economic competitiveness by identifying, developing, and exploiting the place-specific assets that are considered to be most competitive through the formulation of locational policies. This dissertation brings two core types of locational policies agendas to light. The first is geared towards the physical development of the city and the attraction of public funds. It can empirically be found in Ottawa and The Hague. The second locational policies agenda is geared towards maximizing tax revenues, and it is predominant in Bern and Washington, DC. The emergence of these two different locational policies agendas can be explained by four factors, namely, local tax autonomy, the development stage of the RIS, capital city specific constraints, and vertical institutional fragmentation in combination with the degree of local tax autonomy. The degree of local tax autonomy is the best predictor of locational policies as it sets up the structures under which cities can raise funds. Thus, institutions seem to matter when explaining the variance of urban policies. The findings show that cities face similar pressures due to economic globalization. However, their policy responses to cope with these pressures do not converge. Instead, they are diverse because they are mediated by place-based institutional constraints and opportunities. Cities can exert agency when they formulate innovation policies to alter economic institutional constraints. Secondary capital cities have some locational policy options at hand to assert their position in the globalized interurban competition. Furthermore, politics is a factor in its own right. Urban governance arrangements in secondary capital cities seem to be distinct from those in other types of cities. Secondary capital cities are government cities that lack an industrial tradition. In such a context, local governments take a leading role in urban governance arrangements and developers are the only important business actors that engage in the formulation of locational policies. Secondary capital cities cannot escape their destinies as government cities, but they can formulate a variety of locational policies in order to supplement their capital city function with an economically promising profile. This two-dimensional positioning strategy – as a capital city and as a business city – can be achieved by a careful and strategic crafting of innovation policies that try to activate knowledge circulation within their knowledge-intensive economies.

Following the landslide victory of the Labour Party on 1 May of 1997, there was widespread interest amongst German Social Democrats in the achievements of Tony Blair. In the media there was much speculation about the search for a German Tony capable of ousting chancellor Kohl after seventeen years.1 The Labour Party was portrayed as a modern and up-to-date Social Democratic Party. The recent SPD election campaign for the Hamburg senate explicitly copied a Labour Party poster adorned with the slogan: ‘Law and Order is a Labour issue’. Leading Social Democrats were keen to be identified with the youthful party leader from across the Channel. So much so that for days on end Oskar Lafontaine, party chairman of the SPD, and Gerhard Schroeder, candidate in waiting for the chancellorship, proudly talked about their personal invivation by their ‘friend Tony’ to attend the victory celebrations of the Labour Party in London. However, when they got in touch with Labour Party headquarters they were in for a surprise: they found out that the whole thing was a hoax. No one from the Labour Party had ever invited them.

German Social Democracy and the Rise of Nazism explores the failure of Germany's largest political party to stave off the Nazi threat to the Weimar republic. In 1928 members of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) were elected to the chancellorship and thousands of state and municipal offices. But despite the party's apparent strengths, in 1933 Social Democracy succumbed to Nazi power without a fight. Previous scholarship has blamed this reversal of fortune on bureaucratic paralysis, but in this revisionist evaluation, Donna Harsch argues that the party's internal dynamics immobilized the SPD. Harsch looks closely at Social Democratic ideology, structure, and political culture, examining how each impinged upon the party's response to economic disaster, parliamentary crisis, and the Nazis. She considers political and organizational interplay within the SPD as well as interaction between the party, the Socialist trade unions, and the republican defense league. Conceding that lethargy and conservatism hampered the SPD, Harsch focuses on strikingly inventive ideas put forward by various Social Democrats to address the republic's crisis. She shows how the unresolved competition among these proposals blocked innovations that might have thwarted Nazism.Originally published in 1993.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

The World Council of Churches held its eleventh Conference on World Mission and Evangelism in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, at end of 1996 under theme of Called to One Hope -- The Gospel in Diverse Cultures. One of issues that was raised in final report of conference regarding contemporary understanding of culture is problem of The report read: All people are living under an increasing process of globalization, and churches need to discern those elements which are liberative as opposed to destructive. On an economic level globalization is likened to an invasion and colonization which is controlled mostly by International Monetary Fund policies. At basis of present globalization process is liberalization of economy -- at both international and national levels.(1) It continues by saying that Globalization is not only an economic matter but it continues to further racial divide, creating global apartheid ... resulting in increasing violence and political instability, increasing migration and displacement, xenophobic backlash represented in new and tougher immigration policies, and sanctioned oppression of all who can be placed in role of the by virtue of gender, race/ethnicity/indigenous status, age and/or sexual orientation.(2) The conference showed also its concern about impact of globalization on ecological problems, and its effects on identity of world community as a whole, and identity of local communities and cultures in particular, under influence of globalization of information and media, through high technology such as television, advertising, film and computer technology, including Internet, World Wide Web and electronic mail. The above demonstrates that a new setting has confronted church and its mission. The theme of gospel in diverse cultures, which is seen as a key in exploring contemporary situations and problems in mission and evangelism of worldwide churches, has been challenged to include a new aspect of culture, that of global exploitation. In other words, Christian mission in present world situation faces not only matter of gospel and diverse cultures, but also gospel and an oppressive monopolizing culture of economic exploitation and destructive effects on all dimensions of human life extended by this culture. Globalization as an immanence of logic of capitalism Globalization is viewed by some scholars as a neutral phenomenon; arguments on positive contributions to human society that socio-cultural globalization can give have been raised from time to time. The enormous developments in technology allow information control of dictators to be broken, power of governments to be weakened, and they shorten distance between people, creating a new form of solidarity among oppressed. In last analysis, however, we should admit that socio-cultural globalization does not exist independently from economic globalization. The impact of economic power upon socio-cultural globalization happens not only in process of social dynamics and cultural exchanges; it is economic globalization that motivates globalization of societies and cultures. Economic globalization, if understood in third world contexts, is no more than an economic capitalization, or, in a more critical way, a phenomenon of westernization of every dimension of society of third world countries.(3) Economic globalization by nature is a process of liberalization of economy; put in a more precise way, it is an attempt to integrate world markets, including both markets of capital and markets of product.(4) This attempt to integrate world markets has been exercised through dominant organizations such as World Bank, World Trade Organization, APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation), and other worldwide or regional economic and monetary organizations. …

Social justice has been the animating ideal of democratic governments throughout the 20th century. even those who oppose it recognize its potency. Yet the meaning of social justice remains obscure, and existing theories put forward by political philosophers to explain it have failed to capture the way people in general think about issues of social justice. This book develops a new theory. The author argues that principles of justice must be understood contextually, with each principle finding its natural home in a different form of human association. Because modern societies are complex, the theory of justice must be complex, too. The three primary components in Miller's scheme are the principles of desert, need, and equality. The book uses empirical research to demonstrate the central role played by these principles in popular conceptions of justice. It then offers a close analysis of each concept, defending principles of desert and need against a range of critical attacks, and exploring instances when justice requires equal distribution and attacks, and exploring instances when justice requires equal distribution and when it does not. Finally, it argues that social justice understood in this way remains a viable political ideal even in a world characterized by economic globalization and political multiculturalism. This book will appeal to readers with interest in public policy as well as to students of politics, philosophy, and sociology.

This paper synoptically discusses the concept of political (in)tolerance and its implication on any democratic setting alongside with the concept of governance. Against this background, it argues that most African states took over from centralized and unrepresentative colonial ethnic and religious separatism – tribalism – and become victims to centrifugal aspirations of ambitious politicians speaking in the name of ethnic, religious and regional minorities (Esman, 1997). This monocratic political order (which derives from the Hobbesian notion/conception of the state) not only failed as a system but led to serious in tolerance and in some cases disastrous consequences for the economy and people of Africa (Olowu, 1995). And as a result, enormous amount of money is being spent worldwide on questions of political tolerance. Political intolerance and lack of debate, according to literature, had caused retardation in ideas, innovation, creativity and growth of political consciousness among people due to the fear of misconception of such ideas by their political opponents or fellow comrades. This makes democratic transitions arduous thereby threatening the consolidation of democracy. Political tolerance is not easy to practice. However, its exercise, without jettisoning social justice or the abandonment or weakening of one's conviction will promote a culture of political pluralism. This, without any controversies, will guarantee peace and harmony which is a cornerstone of democratic consolidation. For democratic engine to be well propelled, regardless of any strategy, the best public policy should arise out of citizens’ willingness to imbibe positive values as well as any other attribute and be ready to tolerate the expression of a plurality of political opinions, including those different to their own. This is essential because, instrumental to good democratic governance is human beings with positive values and other dimensions of human performance that enable social, economic and political institutions to function and remain functional, over time (Adjibolosoo, 1995). Key words: Political (in)tolerance, democratic governance, political consciousness, monocratic, democratic engine, positive values, centrifugal aspiration, ethnic and religion separatism, social justice, hobbessian, democratic consolidation.