日本地芝居之文化觀：埼玉縣秩父郡小鹿野町小鹿野歌舞伎的藝能、職業、食文化

What is the relationship between locality and globalization? Can locales resist the flow of capital? By using the concept ＂locality at large＂, this paper tries to examine these issues empirically, and tries to shed light on the ＂very big＂ inter-village communal festivals within the Han Chinese folk religion within the modern global arena. Under the nationalist situation and global economy, people tend to think more about the security of their particular place in the world. Places then are the ＂contested terrain of competing definitions＂. Nevertheless, to discuss the contemporary place, we still need to look back at our traditional place. This paper tries to explore the issue of traditional place through a new lens. The ＂Saikang Koah-hiu＂ procession in Southern Taiwan is a very large local festival which involves more than ninety palanquins and troupes. It originated from the terror of floods and plagues in the Tsengwen river area; thus a large inter-village communal ritual cooperation began to emerge. Even the change of regional land measurements and boundary disputes haven’t disrupted this cooperation. Furthermore, historically, the function of conferring a newly emerging village’s authenticity through building up a ＂large communal locality＂ has become crucially important. Once every three years, the ＂Saikang Koah-hiu＂ takes place within a large festival combining several other rituals, including a Daoist ＂Lord offering＂ ritual, a ceremony that emulates etiquette within imperial yamens (higher level government offices), a Boat-burning ritual, and a three-day inter-communitarian territorial procession. During the period of about one week, it is believed that the Jade Emperor sends three of the Gods of Pestilence (among twelve) to ＂Saikang＂ to control pestilence and recover social justice. This festival has continued to be held in this area for more than 200 years. We offer a model, ＂Ecology of Authentification＂, which can explain how a village accomplishes its village production and reproduction through not only political and economic institutions, but also through ＂traditional institutions＂. This model of ＂Ecology of Authentification＂ explains how, under each specific natural and social ecology, a village can attain authenticity through a process of ritual confirmation and public demonstration. The mechanism of the ＂large locality’s＂ conferring function is the special yet typical lesson we learn from the ＂Saikang＂ case. In particular, we offer several parallel concepts to substantiate our analyses: authentification of magic power vs. authentification of the reciprocal side; and master authentification vs. subauthentification. When this ＂large locality＂ enters into the modern national state, there are a lot of confrontations and negotiations. This ＂large locality＂, with its original function of conferring authentification, now plays the role of static and dynamic cultural heritage for the nation-state; and also the possible role of accumulating capital for global capitalists. Within these interstices, the formerly very marginal agricultural region ＂Saikang＂, re-enters as a nexus between the core and the periphery. Finally, we make a comparison between locality, large locality and pilgrimage center, and discuss of how traditional ways of reproducing locality can be relevant to modern nationalist institutions and the global economic system.

Body Painting and Visual Practice: The Creation of Social Identities through Image Making and Display in Tierra del Fuego (Southern South America)

the United Kingdom (UK). This includes audience expectations shaped by theatre conventions, the ways in which actors perform as well as the strategies employed by event producers to encourage audience participation. This research aims to contribute to the field of immersive practice by proposing a new approach to immersive dramaturgy that enhances the experience of individual audiences in immersive, interactive and participatory theatre. This study maps the development of a new approach to actor training, audience interviews and the making of an immersive theatre production trilogy (Hotel Medea). The development process and production of the Hotel Medea trilogy comprise a key practice-based outcome of this research, and it was performed in full in London (2009, 2010 and 2012), Edinburgh (2011) Rio de Janeiro (2010), and in part in the city of Brasilia (2012). A second key outcome of the research is a new methodology of immersive practice—‘dramaturgy of participation’—that includes approaches to theatrical dramaturgy in which each audience member is offered opportunities to proactively participate as an individual, and which will be a useful resource for emerging theatre makers in the field of immersive practice. The overnight theatre production Hotel Medea is a major and central part of this submission. The written material provides context, detailed exegesis and expands upon relevant topics. Readers can access video recordings of Hotel Medea (LIFT, 2010) in full on the following address: http://www.vimeo.com/hotelmedea. I will use the Hotel Medea trilogy as the case study for this research utilizing its durational overnight structure to lead my argument for immersive theatre events to meaningfully consider the experience of each (and every) audience member individually throughout the duration of performance. An experience not based on competitive participation or chance journeys but instead on a carefully designed dramaturgy that allows individuals to build a temporary community with fellow audiences. My argument suggests that there is a need for immersive theatre practitioners to devise adequate tools for its audiences prior to participation being offered, in order to aid a fuller participation in the event. Hotel Medea is a durational interactive theatrical event that takes place in real time from 00.00 a.m. to 06.00 a.m., in three parts. It retells the Greek myth of Medea through three types of participation design: participatory rituals, immersive environments and interactive game-play. Hotel Medea is concerned with the experience of the individual audience members as ticket-paying public, as participants and as players. At every step of the event, expectations are re-negotiated to allow individuals to engage with the event—at times proactively, at others passively. I have focused on the perspective of the author as opposed to solely drawing upon audience questionnaires, feedback and testimonies of collaborators. My choice of critical approach is based on the accumulated experience gathered, especially as a performer in Hotel Medea, allowing me to explore the complex and nuanced responses from individual audience members over the course of six years. During the early stages of my research, audience and collaborator interviews played an important part in evaluating the basic structure of the performance event. However, it soon became clear that the production would need to devise its own tools for capturing relevant data. Therefore the role of the Captain – the first host the audiences meet as they arrive in Hotel Medea - became itself one of the most valuable tools for articulating this research. The Captain, as well as other approaches used, are described in detail through the course of the first chapters. The key focus of this research project is the proposition of a dramaturgy of participation through the notion of the ‘micro-event’. Micro-events are determined by three interrelated design elements, each of which nuances a larger area of practice, namely participatory rituals, immersive environments, and interactive game-play. The significance of this enquiry is the unique new practice in relation to audience behaviour in immersive experiences in a time when the term ‘immersive’ is widely explored both within and beyond the arts. The production output of this research—Hotel Medea—has itself been widely recognized by specialized press and cultural programmers as a leader in the field, creating a direct impact on the wider understanding of processes and methods of audience immersion across the UK and internationally. This recognition can be observed through awards and nominations, public statements of influential figures in the cultural sector, references in academic publications (Boenisch, 2012; White, 2013), in newspaper articles placing Hotel Medea as part of ‘the original cadre of British participatory ensembles’ (Armstrong, 2011) and in other UK publications such as The Herald, Scotsman, Metro (2011), Time Out, and Telegraph (2012).

The tribe of Tengger, who lives in the surrounding of Mount Bromo - East java, is one of the tribes that still upholding the ancestral tradition. i.e. honoring the spirits of the ancestor. The question arises from this subject is what religious background that actually reflected through their daily activities, Hindu or Indonesia indigenous (Jawa)? The mystery revealed in one of the important rituals that only been held once every five years, the mayu desa ritual. Such ritual is also the main discussion of this article. An ethno-archeological approach was chosen to gain data and information because there are several menhirs and punden found on site and many ethnographical data still available to be observed. In this regards, a method consisted of observation and in-depth interview with whoever that considered would be able to provide information was applied. Through an analysis on a series of data, it is concluded that the animal offerings (a cow or a bull in ancient time) in the sacrificial ritual mayu desa is the central ritual in conducting the tradition of honoring the world of the spirits of the ancestor in each village of Tengger.

The aim of the data collection was the initiation of a research project on the topic “Safety of game meat obtained through hunting (LEMISI)”. Various data such as the game tag number (identification number for each game animal), shooter, date and location of kill, hunting district, hunting method, game species with the age, sex and weight of the shot animal, subjectively estimated shooting distance and escape distance, a searching for wounded game with dogs (if applicable) and the bullet used were recorded by the hunters on a standardised sample submission sheet.

The Yuan dynasty is a pivotal period in the development of thought and feelings in the poems on Xiaoxiang landscape paintings. This article examines examples from the Song and Yuan dynasties for the purpose of charting the changes in viewing perspectives, patterns of composition, and lyrical expressions. We ponder these issues: the emergence of the local ”eight (or ten) views”; the compositional patterns of images in the local ”eight (or ten) views”; the interrelationship between ”lyricizing” and ”objective representation”; as well as the two different attitudes of seeing landscapes as pictures (”landscape like a picture”) and of taking paintings to be real landscapes (”landscape in the picture”). From these we can observe the change in inclinations from the Song poets' ”feelings and scenes in one” to ”expressing feelings through the scenes” from the Yuan. We compare the contents of the Song and Yuan colophons on two of the Eight Views of Xiaoxiang, i.e., the Yucun xizhao (Sunset in a Fishing Village) and the Xiao xiang yeyu (A Rainy Night in Xiaoxiang). We find that Song poets emphasize ”feelings and scenes in one”: the poet projects his subjective feelings on the scenery in the paintings, making the landscape his thought incarnated. In addition, the literary and cultural allusions of the Xiaoxiang verses echo the feelings that the Song poets wish to express. In contrast, ”expressing feelings through the scenes” is preferred by Yuan poets, who tend to present scenery from an objective, aloof point of view. They situate themselves in a historical context, which lends a keen sense of time and universality to their works. The differences between Song's ”landscape like a picture” and Yuan's ”landscape in the picture” expose larger historical dispositions. Song poets perceive things subjectively and humanize the landscape, the painting thus made embodies personal feelings. Yuan poets perceive things objectively with rational and practical thinking. Together with the idea of ”[feelings] originate from emotion and go as far as rites allow” they express publicly shared feelings suffused with a historical sense.

Unsustainable use of natural resources poses threats to conservation and livelihoods. High-levels of bushmeat hunting threaten wildlife populations and extinction of some species. This paper gives an overview of bushmeat hunting in Serengeti, Tanzania. The data on hunting was collected through interviewing 477 households in 10 villages surrounding Serengeti National Park. Our research indicates that bushmeat hunting was taking place in Serengeti and is an important economic activity in Western Serengeti. The hunting preferences differ between Western and Eastern where the latter preferred small and the former, medium-big sized wildlife. The majority depends on bushmeat as a source of protein and a few relied on it for protein and income. In Western Serengeti hunting was taking place inside the national park and game reserves and in occasions within villages. In Eastern Serengeti, hunting took place within villages. Immigration of people, ethnicity, and number of livestock were cited to influence bushmeat hunting. We suggest strengthening and widening the coverage of community based conservation outreach programs; opening doors for sustainable use; and widening the scope of benefit sharing to address household livelihoods. Strengthening law enforcement and redefining the Serengeti ecosystem are essential actions for conserving wildlife within and outside protected area networks. Key words: Bushmeat hunting, conservation, game reserves, local people, Serengeti National Park, sustainable use, Tanzania.

Jerzy Grotowski's lifelong work can be divided into three stages. The first (1957-63) can be summarized as the theatre of collective introspection, which was to bring together people in Polish society by means of adapting ritual spectacle, Durkheim's view of the renewal of social solidarity and Jung's notion of collective unconscious. The second stage (1964-77) starts with the shift of Grotowski's focus from shaping collectivity in performance to achieving individual initiation - the liberation from social conditioning - during the theatre process, especially during actor training. In 1970 Grotowski stopped producing performances and innovated a series of events subsequently known as paratheatrical activities through which he hoped to achieve the liberation of participants more effectively without the burden of making productions. During the third stage of his work (1978-99), Grotowski separated the essential elements of certain traditional practices such as ritual songs and dances so as to establish gatherings in which a sense of collectivity could be experienced among the participants from different social and cultural backgrounds. He ultimately concentrated on work around selected traditional songs preserving the corporeal impulses of the singer m their vibratory quality. The work around these songs, which made the precise sequence of songs, into a piece with a complete structure that could be taken as the potential central component of the proposed gathering Grotowski had been after. Grotowski's work throughout can be summarized as the restless effort to revive ritual in modern society. He pursued the performance shaping Polish social solidarity, the process towards individual initiation as defined above, and the gathering of people together regardless of their social and cultural differences. Yet, what was achieved in his work is the transcendence of the self beyond its ontological, physical, psychological, social and cultural limitations.

The Kalmyks count one’s age from the time that a person was conceived. Hence during the holiday of Zul Kalmyks add a year to a person’s actual age. Zul is the Kalmyk equivalent of New Year. Zul also has a religious significance. It was on this day that Tsongkapa, the founder of Gelug school, is believed to have attained enlightenment. In this sense, Zul is a double holiday – New Year and the day when the spiritual leader of the Kalmyks attained enlightenment. In the morning of Zul, the Kalmyks make traditional tea, light candles, cook meat and biscuits and offer food to the gods. The head of the household offers freshly made tea to the ‘master of the year’ (jilin ezn) by sprinkling the offer to the sky. While doing so he should stand with his right leg outside his house and with his left leg inside. On this day people wear new, clean clothes and pay a visit to their relatives. In the evening Kalmyks perform a ritual to prolong one’s life (nasn uttulgn) which is done as follows. First small vessels are prepared which are made from dough and resemble a boat. Then candlewicks are put vertically inside these vessels. The number of vessels should be at least two, depending on whether the family has children. The first vessel is dedicated to the clan protectors (syakusn). The second is dedicated to the spouses (the husband and the wife). The third boat is dedicated to their children. The number of candlewicks should correspond to the age of the family members plus two candles for each person. For example, if the spouses are 30 each, the number of the candlewicks on the second vessel should be 64 (30+2+30+2). These two additional candlewicks symbolize that the life of the person in the ritual has been prolonged. When the candlewicks are erected, the vessels are filled with butter and then the candlewicks are lit. The next day when the candlewicks are already burnt out, the dough from the vessels is used for making pancakes that have to be shared by all members of the family. The ritual of prolonging one’s life is not performed for people over 60 or for those who have great-grandchildren. When Zul finishes the next three days are dedicated to smoking the house with incense. In a fortnight ‘the new master of the year’ is believed to pay a visit to the Kalmyks, while the old one leaves. During this period the interior of houses should be kept clean and without dust, for ‘the new master of the year’ may not see clearly in the dust and skip the offenders without bestowing on them his kishg or merit.

The behaviours used by mammalian predators to capture and process their prey play a pivotal role in determining hunting success when targeting different species, or prey in different foraging environments. This is especially true in aquatic environments, where marine mammals like pinnipeds encounter a wide range of prey species while hunting both in open water and near the sea floor. However, due to difficulties faced when observing behaviour in diving mammals, little is known about the mechanics of prey handling in most pinnipeds species. The aim of this thesis was to remedy this by performing captive feeding trials that explored how foraging behaviours varied under different conditions for otariid species that have not been studied before now. When capturing small fish in open water, Australian fur seals (Arctocephalus pusillus doriferus) used raptorial biting. Rather than simply snapping at prey with the jaws, this involved combined use of biting and suction, where they used suction to draw prey within range of the teeth before the jaws snapped shut. In contrast, when capturing prey concealed within a feeding device, fur seals used strong suction alone to draw prey into the mouth. Australian and subantarctic fur seals (Arctocephalus tropicalis) swallowed small prey whole after the initial capture, while large prey was first brought to the surface and processed into smaller pieces by shaking. By chewing on prey between shakes, the fur seals created weak points that made it more likely to break when shaken further. Australian sea lions (Neophoca cinerea) were also able to chew and shake food; however, unlike fur seals, they also tore food held between their forelimbs and teeth. By directly observing how prey capture and processing occurs in otariid pinnipeds, we are able to begin to draw broader comparisons between these species and the other main clades of pinnipeds. Phocine phocids (the northern seals) also use biting and suction when capturing large vs. small prey, but unlike fur seals they are able to grip prey in clawed forelimbs while processing it with their teeth. Monachine phocids (the “southern” seals) have forelimbs intermediate in morphology between the clawed phocines and highly derived otariids. Those that have been studied or observed seem to display similar behaviours to the fur seals from our studies. Australian sea lions are unusual in being similar to phocine seals that hold prey in their forelimb flippers, but rather than using claws to secure prey, they squeezed prey between flat palms. These patterns highlight key differences in behaviour that may relate to differences in forelimb morphology that stem from the degrees to which each clade has adapted its anatomy for aquatic locomotion. By making direct observations of behaviour for a wide range of pinniped species we can therefore identify patterns that provide a better understanding of the role that foraging behaviour played throughout pinniped evolution. These results also provide insights into how prey capture and processing behaviours influence the foraging choices made by seals hunting at sea, providing insights into what makes pinnipeds such successful marine predators.

In the vast valley of the Yellow River in the northern part of China, where wheat production has been a primary cultivation for its agriculture, and thereby wheaten food (or wheat powder made food) has been a traditional food for the livelihood of the local peeple since a long time ago, which is in the sharply contrast to the production form and lifestyle in the Yangtze River basin, southern part of China. The wheaten foods in the northern of China are vafious, but mainly are composed of steamed bread, noodles, steamed stuffed bun, and dumpling (jiaozi). This paper focuses on the history regarding mantou and the civil folk culture concerned. In north China, mantou is not only the most popular ＂food＂, but also a usually perceived ＂sacrifice＂ used at the ceremony for Gods and ancestors. Meanwhile, it is also an important ＂gift＂ for the important festivals and rituals, such as the ceremonies of born day, matured year, marriage day, and funerals. The more important is its civil root feature derived from the prolonged logic line of folk lifestyle, presenting as food-sacrifice-gift. Then it becomes an ＂artwork＂, taking the forms as ＂flower mantou ＂or called ＂wheaten flower＂. The ＂flower mantou＂ or ＂Wheaten flower＂ is an real art but exists in a flash time in the lifestyle of the local people. Its symbolic meanings are, however, very rich in representing perfectly the values of the local people, including their outlooks on life, views on happiness and aesthetic awareness. Dangjia village, one of the villages of Hancheng City, Shaanxi Province, is located in the northeast part about 9 kilometers from the city center, the Yellow River is 3.5 kilometers to the east of the village and the No.108 national road is 1.5 kilometers to the west of the village. The surrounding geography of Dangjia village is the joint area of the Loess Plateau and the Qin plain, so it is a typical loess landscape. The village's location is on a river tableland and faces a small river named Bishui river, which finds its way to the Yellow River. There are many fruit trees, Chinese prickly ash trees, vegetable plots and arable land on the both sides of the river and the plateau of the southern part of the village. There are two family names mainly, Dang and Jia, but a few other family names in this village, marriage linkage has been kept between these two families for generations, so, it is a typical village for its clan marriage. In 2006, the households there were 392 and the total population was 1373, with total farmland of 2220 Chinese mu, averagely 7 mu for one family. Apart from the income from agricultural activities ( as productions of wheat, corn and Chinese prickly ash for the major income, most of the villagers heavily rely on their family members who work outside of the village or young laborers who do the odd-jobs in small towns or large cities. The middle reaches of the Yellow River where Dangjia village locates is one of the important wheat production areas in China, wherefore wheaten food is the main food for the local people there. Over a long period of time, the local females have created a very special culture presented by various ritual steamed bread or flower steamed bread. In this paper, steamed bread (Mantou) refers to the steamed food made of leavened dough, which is named ＂Mo＂ or ＂Memo＂ in Shaanxi dialect. ＂Huamo＂(flower steamed bread) means the steamed bread with various models or various colors, whereas, ritual steamed bread refers to the steamed bread or flower steamed bread used as gifts among the local people, and the so called steamed food is the general name for the all kinds of the ＂Mo＂ mentioned above.

In 1989 the Spanish artist Pedro Cano [1] designed the stage set and costumes for a performance to be held in Hadrian’s Villa in Tivoli. The play entitled Hadrian’s Memoirs: portrait of a voice [2] was based on excerpts from the novel by Marguerite Yourcenar, interpreted by actors Giorgio Albertazzi, Eric Vu An and Maria Carta, and directed by Maurizio Scaparro [3]. Cano’s very intense and meaningful painting of the Maritime Theatre in Hadrian’s Villa is part of his 160 x 100 cm series of watercolours of Greek and Roman theatres and amphitheatres. Although the artist executed this particular painting in 2016, he had already painted the site many years earlier when he created a notebook of paintings of Hadrian’s Villa and a series of twelve aquatints in which he included not only the theatre, but also other architectures in the complex.

The long-standing tradition of mortuary rituals (literally ”rites of merit” or gongde) constitutes one important phase of Taiwanese funeral ceremonies. According to historical records, Taiwanese people have relied on Buddhist or Daoist specialists to preside over such rites. However, recent field investigations reveal the presence of an additional type of specialist that also performs mortuary rites for the general public, namely masters who claim to belong to a religion known as Shijiao (literally ”The Teachings of Sakyamuni”). The Shijiao is a loosely organized religious movement that embraces elements of Buddhism, Daoism, and communal religious traditions. Although the Shijiao has been the subject of several articles, most have focused on its presence in western Taiwan. In contrast, the development of the Shijiao in eastern Taiwan and the general state of its mortuary rituals has received little attention from the scholarly world. To bridge this gap, I have chosen to examine the Ciming Altar of Fengshan Village in Shoufeng Township (Hualien County), and present a detailed account of the various liturgies that constitute the ”midnight” (wuye) mortuary rite. I first define the term ”Shijiao” and delineate this movement's origins, distribution, and sectarian affiliations, in order to clarify aspects concerning the titles, functions, and religious attributes of its specialists. Next, I describe the current state of the Shijiao in Hualien and the development of the Ciming Altar. Additional attention is also devoted to the scale, timing, altar arrangement, participants, musicalinstruments, and costumes of the ”midnight” ritual. The significance of each individual procedure will also be explained.

The Mongol dalalya, 'beckoning of good-fortune', is a folk-religious ritual which also occurs in lamaized contexts. The different forms which the ritual takes are classified and analysed, reference being made to published accounts and to the author's fieldwork in Mongolia, and (to a limited extent) to comparative material for other Altaic areas and for Tibet. The relationship of the ritual to the sacrifice to the hearth-deity is examined. Mongol terminology specific to the ritual is analysed. Objects which appear as requisites in the ritual are described and illustrated, and their place in Mongol symbolic systems is analysed. All known texts of invocations to be recited at the ritual are listed and classified. Texts representative of each of the main categories identified are translated and edited. The study concludes that the ritual is a means of promoting the vital energy of men and herds; it has taken a number of different forms in different environments, under the influence of the contrasting ideologies of hunting and herding, of Mongol folk-religion and of lamaism. The ritual may be associated with earlier sacrifices to the ancestors.

This dissertation examines Islamic musical performances as negotiation processes in which the meanings and values of Sundaneseness and Islam are contested. In this study, I explore the meanings and negotiations of Islam-Sunda discourses in three different musical forms performed by two groups, and contextualise this contestation of meaning in wider Indonesian society. My research examines two groups of Sundanese/Islamic performances. The first is Ath-Thawaf, an urban-based group; the second is Candralijaya, a rural-based community group. Utilising a qualitative research methodology, this study is based on observation of performances and related practices, and semi-structured interviews with performers, audiences and music experts as well as Islamic authorities. The analytical part of the thesis employs an interpretive analysis that utilises a Peircian semiotic approach. This research project links musical elements, visual displays, song texts, and shared experiences of listening music in three musical performances. It highlights different modes of interpretation in which contrasting interactions of local-national-global emerge. First, in terbang sejak (five frame drums with Islamic text) I found unclear and ambiguous boundaries between what people conceive as Islam and Sundanese culture. This is typically recognised by people in the village where listeners believe both Islam and Sundanese practices are an inheritance from their ancestors. Second, the local aspect of Sundaneseness is reflected in terebang gebes-beluk music, which foregounds the value of ‘authenticity’. Islamic symbols are not involved in these performances, yet listeners’ Islamic cultural background constructs meanings and interpretations in the music in form of an Islamic spiritual perspective. Third, the idea of newness that is produced by Ath-Thawaf in its musical project contests Islamic and Sundanese symbols interchangeably. The fluidity of Islamic characteristics of the music is indexed through its visual display and song texts, whereas the iconic sounds of the instruments are predominantly Sundanese. Through this thesis, I found that the construction of musical meanings is complex and varied based on different social-cultural contexts.