土地改革與政權鞏固：戰後臺灣土地政策變革過程中的國家、地主與農民(1945-1953)

Many scholars regard the Land reform policies like ”三七五 rent reduction” and ”land-to-tiller” that were implemented by the KMT government who moved to Taiwan after 1949 are successful. It solved the contradictions between the social classes that are caused by unfair allotment of land, and was one of the main reasons for Taiwan’s economic takeoff. The land and farmers are main themes in many country novels. In the novels before the World War II in Taiwan, the landholders and Sharecroppers are main characters. But after 1949, both China and Taiwan launched a large-scale land reform. The purposes were similar, but the means were different. There were also novels in China whose themes were land reform. Compared to Taiwan, limited by historical and political factors, the land reform themes novels were less in quantity and also were not explored in depth. The novel appeared also later. But we can find many clues from different perspectives many clues. The differences of the cross-strait ideologies has resulted the different context. The different positions taken by the authors has resulted a perspective differences that appeared in novels. This created two contexts and two perspectives. This article researches the land reform as themes of the novels in China and Taiwan. In China, such as Zhao Shuli, Ding Ling, Zhou Lipo etc. whose works are born in early period of the land reform. In Taiwan, the novels are dispersive in different periods. This article will discuss the narrative difference of the novels because of the different context and perspective. This difference is also due to the different low structures and the different political climate.

This paper investigates the South African (land reform) policy formulation process in the period 1993 to 2000. The paper argues that the political process of policy formulation and the nature of subsequent policies are the results of the distribution of power within a given society, as well as globally, and the interaction (inclusion or exclusion) of a variety of local and international interest groups and individuals within the context of a particular political system. The wide range of actors that shaped South African land policy include the former National Party government, the World Bank, the African National congress (ANC), rural and land‐related non‐governmental organizations, the white commercial agricultural sector, the National African Farmers' Union, the former Department of Native Affairs, and the new departments of Agriculture and Land Affairs. This paper gives a brief account and analysis of the role played by each of the organizations or institutions mentioned above, but also highlights the fact that the poorest and most marginalized sectors of South African society were not part of the policy development process. As a result, a three‐part, legalistic, demand‐driven, market‐based (i.e. willing‐buyer and willing‐seller) land reform programme was developed.

Zimbabwe has recently gone through a widely criticised land reform process that is argued to be the cause of subdued agricultural production. This paper attempts to present a counterfactual picture of the maize market in Zimbabwe had land reform been managed appropriately. The counterfactual is developed through a partial equilibrium framework in order to quantify the impact of the land reform programme. This, to our knowledge, is the first attempt at applying a partial equilibrium framework to an analysis of the impact of land reform. The results of the post-2000 land reform policy simulation showed that actual total maize output was lower than what could have been produced if it was under a pre-2000 land reform system. The study validates the assertion that land reforms contributed to the contraction of output. These results suggest the need for a well planned and executed land reform process, which can still play an important role in output growth and food security.

A great deal of political rhetoric has been uttered regarding radical economic transformation that includes calls for more radical land reform proposals. This rhetoric is the source of political mobilisation in both the governing African National Congress (ANC), as well as the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) opposition. While the ANC call for the end of the willing buyer, willing seller principle in land reform policies and legislation in line with their National Democratic Revolution (NDR), the EFF support a more extreme expropriation without compensation approach. Both these approaches can be regarded as forms of radical land reform that are grounded in their specific ideological orientations. Since no academic definition exists regarding the concept “radical land reform”, it is necessary that this is conceptualised. In order to analyse the possible implications of radical land reform, this article explores the outcomes of similar approaches in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and Zimbabwe. The lessons of this comparative analysis indicate that land reform requires a balance between existing land rights and food security on the one hand, and the urgency for historical redress and redistribution on the other.

Nation sovereignty represents for the dignity completion in society and for the domain in the domestic country system. Territory, people, government, and sovereignty consist of a real nation; therefore, the sovereignty possesses the unique, the most superior and self-discipline characteristic. Nation sovereignty cannot separate, share as well as divide and rule; on the contrary, the sovereignty, regime, and governance are in unanimity. Hence, Taiwan attempts to be on the way to a nation what the sovereignty, regime, and governance are in unanimity at present- it involves the problems for the orientation in nation and the identification in sovereignty. Due to the complex history and distinctive immigration background in Taiwan, it has to be provided with abundant needs during the process of modem development in past fifty years. In vertical vision, it goes through the stage development of the colonialism, the authority politics, and the declaration of the martial law, the nationalism, and the capital economic; in horizontal vision, it reflects mutually the lash of the value view for the multiple viewpoints of the post-modem pluralism, the indulgence from the urban and the rural, the confrontation from the old and the new. Consequently, the literary work will probe into the orientation between the Nativization and the Desinofication in Nationalism.

Whether and to what extent land reform is undertaken is of great importance to a wide range of developing countries as it relates to national economic development. This paper makes a comparative analysis of land reforms in China and India after the 1950s. China's land reform was radical. The landlord class lost control of the land, and China's landless peasants disappeared. India's land reform was more conservative. The landlord class still held a lot of land for a long time, and there are still a large number of landless peasants in India after the 21st century. The comparative analysis shows the differences in land reform policies. This difference led to different results in the development of both agricultural area and industry area between China and India, which indicate that different degrees of land reform have significant impacts on national economic development. The conclusion shows that the land reform which changes land ownership from landlord class to peasant class has a positive effect on economic development. But the land reform of land collectivization does not necessarily play a positive role in the national economic development.

ABSTRACTThis paper seeks to explain the emergence of South African inclusive agricultural business models in relation to the land reform policy. We demonstrate that in South Africa such policy instruments linking small-scale and large-scale farmers respond to endogenous dynamics linked to the failure of its land reform policy. We study the land reform policy change induced by its policy instruments. Indeed, introducing the market as the preferred means to implement land reform caused unanticipated side effects, creating constant pressure for change that such inadequate instrument exerted on the set policy objectives during the first phase of policy implementation. After cohabitating uneasily with rather antagonistic policy goals, policy instruments ultimately led to a change in policy objectives, shifting from supporting small-scale black subsistence agriculture to targeting a class of emerging farmers committed to commercial agriculture. Inclusive Business Model’s policy instruments were subsequently identified as the best fit to achieve the re-adjusted policy goal.

South African land matters today emanate from the past racially based land dispossession of black communities, which furthered white settler capitalism. Post-apartheid regimes have developed many policies to reverse this legacy, but with little effect. Political parties have blamed the Constitution for the slow pace of land reform, arguing for the need to amend it to clarify ‘expropriation without compensation’. Based on a broad literature review, this article suggests some political, economic and social lessons for South Africa’s land reform. It aims to understand how other countries have dealt with land acquisition for land reform and urban housing development projects, the post-acquisition stage and the reasons for failure and success of some land reforms. This article calls for an alignment of land stakeholders, inclusion of urban land in land reform policies and increasing the powers of provincial officers to improve support for beneficiaries and the subdivision of large farms.

This study was designed to quantitatively investigate the economy-wide impact of land reform policies in Zimbabwe. Land reforms came with the realm of independence in Zimbabwe. Four models were used to implement the reform policies. The paper uses the updated 1991 Social Accounting Matrix for Zimbabwe and the Central Statistics Office's household data on resettled families in Zimbabwe. The paper computes the sectoral SAM multipliers and then uses household data on resettled families to simulate the impact of specific land reform models on the economy. The simulated results show that land reform, if well planned and systematically and carefully implemented, could generate economy-wide benefits for Zimbabwe and could lead to income redistribution in favour of low-income household groups, while maintaining an increase in households' aggregate income.

Land reform policy in South Africa has been strongly criticised, especially its instrumentality. However, recent ethnographic studies indicate that it is a complex and deeply social process in which policy is understood differently by different actors. Rather than asking whether land reform works we should ask how it works. Using a case study of SLAG (Settlement Land Acquisition Grant) redistribution beneficiaries in a southern Cape village, this paper describes how these rural residents interpreted policy and used the resources put at their disposal by the state. These local actors' decisions and actions were based largely on their livelihood requirements and frequently determined by their historical experiences and social relationships. Although they behaved in ways that were not anticipated by officials, a number have gained tangible benefits. Beneficiary ‘success stories’ have given credence to the land reform policy, and state officials have responded by continuing to provide support to the project that was the subject of this study.

The Gish Abbay area is among one of the environmentally most affected areas where environmental deterioration has prevailed. A lot of factors have contributed to this negative development. The major ones are rapid population growth, poverty and inappropriate forest and land related laws and legislations. Among others, however, this paper attempted to highlight how government land policy over many years was responsible for deforestation in the area. It has been argued that the land reforms that were introduced during the two consecutive Ethiopian regimes, the imperial and the Derg, had an impact on the forest coverage of the area. Among these reforms, the frequent allocation of land to the patriots and other individuals that rendered services to the government, particularly in the post-liberation period, can be cited as one example of the reform. The frequent allocation of land, as a reward, was made at the expense of forests. The introduction of the first forest legislation in the mid 1960s by the state had been considered as a turning point in the use of forests communally. The regime had often claimed all forests as state property, a policy that challenged the previous tree tenure system. Thus, in order to show their hostility against the government, the peasants cleared forests and converted to cultivated land. The seizure of power by a new government, that succeeded the imperial regime in 1974, brought about a new land reform that nationalized all natural resources including land. The regime made frequent and periodic re-distribution of land within some years interval in order to satisfy the growing demand of the local population. Accordingly, the distribution and redistribution of land, the introduction of cooperative farming, the villagisation programme and the formulation of forest laws and legislations were undertaken throughout the reign of the military government. These all government reforms had its own contribution for the massive deforestation of the period. Thus, this research attempted to shed light on both continuity and change in the process of land reform and its implications to deforestation, throughout the two successive regimes; the imperial and the military. In order to achieve the research objectives, in depth interview and focus group discussion were utilized in addition to the results of the research undertaken by other scholars. The study referred data analysis from other disciplines such as the Geographic Information System (GIS) to see changes in the forest coverage of the area during the two consecutive regimes. Key words: Deforestation, causes, land reform, Gish Abbay, forest legislation.

Land has been influential in the political discourse and policymaking of both apartheid and post-apartheid democratic South Africa. Currently, considering certain conflicts and recent calls for land expropriation in South Africa, it would seem that the land issue persists despite all efforts by the democratic government in South Africa to address it through various land reform policies. For this reason, interrogating land reform in South Africa and the prospects of peace and national unity in the country becomes pertinent. Using qualitative desktop methods and adopting a self-categorisation theoretical lens, the article interrogates the question of land reform in South Africa. The paper argues that resolving the land question will demand a diversified approach that strikes a balance between social fairness, economic progress and political stability. Achieving this will entail constructive discourse, inclusive decision-making processes, transparent governance, and targeted interventions towards addressing land-related conflicts while encouraging reconciliation and social cohesion in South Africa.

Land Reform Policies, the Sources of Violent Conflict, and Implications for Deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon

The central argument of this chapter is that newly emerging markets in Zimbabwe have been boosted by land reform. Since independence in 1980, the country has implemented a programme to redistribute land more equally and to restructure the agrarian sector. Land reform has then gone through different phases. This chapter explores the developments initiated by the recent Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP), which was set in motion not just by the state and experts. A range of other actors, e.g. landless people, people from communal areas and war veterans, seized the opportunity to access land. For them, the FTLRP represented a new set of opportunities. The most visible outcome of the FTLRP is the radical redistribution of land and the consequent reform, and in some cases complete disappearance, of some large-scale and commercial farms in the country. Many observers have commented in detail about the post-FTLRP in Zimbabwe (Scoones et al. 2010, Matondi 2012, Hanlon et al. 2013). This chapter adds to these analyses an examination of a hitherto hardly described phenomenon: the newly emerging markets in the southern part of Zimbabwe, the Lowveld, which is being repeated with similarities elsewhere in the country. A plethora of markets have mushroomed in the Lowveld to support the endeavours of numerous social actors to build, rebuild and enhance their livelihoods. These markets were not planned and can at best be understood as the unintended consequences of the fast track land reform programme. The construction of these new markets is significant in two ways. First of all, the markets that have emerged in the Lowveld in the wake of the FTLRP are new markets. These markets did not exist before as the previous landowners were embedded in markets designed and controlled by agribusiness companies and political interest groups. Second, the new markets are designed and constructed by new groups of actors (e.g. women from the neighbouring communal areas and landless people) who did not inhabit the area before as landowners. The analysis of the newly emerging markets shows the robustness of their experiences in constructing markets that fit their interests and how they are enhancing their livelihoods. We argue that these markets are structurally different from previously existing markets; the previous market structure of the Lowveld that was predominantly attuned to the interests of a large-scale farming sector has largely disappeared. The new markets do not operate in a vacuum but incorporate experiences from the previously existing markets although reconstructed and following different livelihood calculi. This chapter is structured as follows. We first describe the situation and construction of markets before land reform reordered the agrarian landscape in the Lowveld. Then we will shortly describe the dynamics of FTLRP and how and when it came about. The last part of the chapter provides an account of the plethora of emerging markets, characterizing them as an outcome of the social struggles of a range of actors in the Lowveld to make a decent living for themselves and their families.

This article examines how and why the ruling party used various rhetorical strategies-cultural interpretation, expression and representation-to hold sway over the first peoples of Taiwan in the early postwar period. This essay begins with the KMT's reclamation effort in 1945, when the Japanese relinquished control of Taiwan. At first, KMT officials knew very little about the Formosan natives. Influenced by the nationalist rhetoric prevalent in China at the time, the KMT viewed the aborigines as a minority. The aborigines were effectively subsumed under the Chinese nationality. The KMT went one step further in 1947 by renouncing the aboriginal leaders' initiative to be called the ＂Taiwan nation＂, and in keeping with nationalist rhetoric, decided to call them ＂mountain compatriots＂ instead. After the KMT government relocated to Taiwan in 1949, the island moved to the frontline of the cold war, and the aborigines quickly became caught up in the ensuing battle of ideologies: anti-communism, nationalism and modernism. Beginning in 1950 the KMT government began implementing a suite of policies and propaganda campaigns geared toward the aborigines. Based on information in related media reports and propaganda materials, ideas central to the discourse included the single origin of the Chinese people, the common ancestry of the people of Taiwan, applauding progress and the accomplishments of the administration, and the importance of being a law-abiding citizen and pledging loyalty to the Republic of China. The following historical survey delineates the means by which the KMT asserted its dominance over the aborigines through the combined use of political power plays and the ＂mountain compatriot＂ discourse, each tactic enhancing the other.