漢代儒學的一個側面─思想、統治與權力運作

Confucianism has followed the footsteps of the Chinese and entered Vietnam, but owing to some particular reasons, it has been modified with distinct features, differentiating it with the Chinese original version. This research concentrates on analyzing some basic characteristics of Vietnamese Confucianism, which is that Vietnamese Confucianism is practical Confucianism, with its main focus on the realistic efficiency rather than academic function, or that the moral standard of Vietnamese Confucianism is discrete, and its male-dominated mindset is not as strict as that in Chinese Confucianism. Additionally, in this writing, the authors mentioned that these specialties are the result of the fact that Confucianism in Vietnam has been combined with different ideologies, theories and religions, and Vietnamese Confucianists have successfully “Vietnamize” its initial version…

This article uses the theory of Chinese individualisation to understand the Confucian education revival by focusing on the rise of parents as critical individuals and a case study of one Confucian private school. Drawing on interview data from parental activists who enrol their children in the study of Confucian classics, this article presents the disembedding actions taken to break attachments to state schools and the paradoxical return to institutional safety. It finds that these parents exhibit ambivalence towards the state education system, and that family relationships affect individual parents’ decisions about Confucian education. Furthermore, this study discusses the implications of the individualisation dynamics for Confucian revival in reference to the reflexive conditions of modernity.

Neo - Confucian Ideology in the Poetry of Yi Yuksa - with the example of To Sing for A Star, Green Grapes, and The Wide Plain

This article examines the 1799-1805 Xianyu Reforms, a period of governmental reform in the wake of Emperor Iiaqing's purge of the powerful minister Heshen. Previous accounts of this event stress its Confucian form and inability to avert nineteenth-century challenges of dynastic decline. This paper, however, focuses on ideology and how new change offered not an obstacle, but an opportunity. In securing power and advancing reform, the Jiaqing court manipulated a caricatured image of Minister Heshen-and, more broadly, moral/administrative breakdown-in order to define decline and galvanize public sentiment. Creation of a polemic, classicsbased vision of Heshen (decline) vs. Jiaqing (revival), reflective of a clash of cosmic forces, legitimated the attack on the minister while offering an alternative to a larger bureaucratic purge. Posing new reforms as the mirror opposite of the ＂Heshen Regency,＂ in turn, molded the shape and the focus of new reform, orienting it pragmatically toward select values and broader political incorporation of polity. The Xianyu Reforms, that is, were not shackled by tradition; they used tradition creatively.

Quan Zhen Taoism claims its pluralism of doctrines and the combination of the three religions to one. It explains its Quan Zhen of Humanity and Destiny. Its thought inherits the Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism partly, which acquires the thoughts of the three religions to deal with the problems the intellectuals feel when the country is defeated and the home lost. The thesis discusses mainly on Zen ideology's effect on Taoists of early Quan Zhen Taoism, such as Wang Chongyang, Ma Yu, and Qiu Chuji, and hackles on this base their characteristics of combining Zen ideology.

Food as an Action Tool of Confucian Ideology

This article discusses little-known aspects of the May Fourth Movement of 4 May 1919 in the Chinese province. Traditionally, the May Fourth Movement and the connected New Culture Movement and the Literary Revolution are associated with Beijing and Shanghai. However, one of the most important intellectual centers of China at that time was Hangzhou, a city with close economic links to Shanghai. Radical students in Zhejiang in 1919-1920 were active in publishing, and the New Tide magazine they published was in demand in China's largest cities, and solidified the status of Zhejiang as the vanguard of revolution. Looking closely at this collision, we may easily ascertain that the traditional Confucian society during an opportunistic economic upturn caused by World War I was fueling radicalism and at the same time was the object of their struggle. Anarchism was the key ideology of the May Fourth Movement in Zhejiang. A special role in these events is played by Jing Hengyi (1877-1938) and Shi Cuntong (1898-1970), sons of rich landowners who were able to afford publishing and had spare time for intellectual discourse. Realizing the political immaturity of the masses, the Zhejiang radicals focused on publishing rather than on political manifestations.

Why did the Kung-yang commentary of the Spring and Autumn Annals become the most dominant Scripture in the Emperor Wu reign of the West Han Dynasty? The general theory is that the scripture proposed a system of political ethics that perfectly met the ideological needs of the empire. This paper examines a particular concept in the scripture, jang（讓）, to substantialize the above theory. The concept of jang advocated by the scripture means to abdicate the throne to the eldest son of the principal wife（嫡長子） of the emperor, which is quite different from the traditional Confucian ideal of shang-jang（禪讓）, that is, to abdicate the throne to the most worthy man（讓賢）. The reason for the commentary to propose the new concept of fang can be found by examining closely the political system and especially the mentality of the local kings of the formative period of the Western Han Dynasty. The significance of the concept fang can thus be revealed.

In the development of Chinese stories, there are several themes which represent what people think and wish. After the introduction of Buddhism into China, these themes are reinforced. The ”rescuing-mother” theme discussed in this paper is one of them. This plot has a complete development in the story of Mu Lian 目連, and later on continued to show in the stories of White Snake（白蛇）and Shen Xiang（沈香）, only with some alterations. In other words, although all three stories share the same plot of ”rescuing-mother,” the differences in the ways of rescuing, roles and status of the son make them different. This paper adopts what Alan Cole mentions in ”Mothers and Sons in Chinese Buddhism” that the obedience children pay to their parents is different in Confucianism and Buddhism. Buddhism requires sons to have a guilty conscience toward their mothers by imparting in them the ideas of ru-en 乳恩 (breastfeeding) and sheng-zhai 生債 (debt). Therefore, the obedience in Buddhism is mainly towards mother, which is quite different from what we find in Confucianism where obedience has everything to do with father. In Buddhism, because of the process of birth is seen as unclean, mother becomes the un-pure object in need of rescue, this increases the son's sense of duty and the need to rescue mother from suffering. Seeing from this perspective, ”rescuing mother” at first tended to be a religious redemption and an escape from son's guilt in putting his mother in such a situation. This is seen especially in the story of Mu Lian. Afterwards, the ”rescuing mother” in Buddhism began to mingle with that of Confucian ideas. We see in the story of White Snake that the rescuing of mother by son has to rely on the political and bureaucratic achievements and eventually on the emperor's permission. This is the first change. Another change came form the influence of Daoism as in the Shen Xiang story where human and god are merged and the son can challenge gods in order to rescue his mother.

E. San Juan Jr.’s Racism and Cultural Studies: Critiques of Multiculturalist Ideology and the Politics of Difference (Duke UP, 2002) offers a fresh and timely critique of the ways in which racism and the ideology of white supremacy function in the creation of the US nation-state and the current intensification of US imperialism. Racism and Cultural Studies provides an impressive inventory—and unique synthesis—of a variety of historical materialist methods to cultural studies that enable us to challenge the insidious ways in which US imperial hegemony is ideologically and materially produced and maintained. This review highlights how E. San Juan, Jr. creates alternative “methodologies of the oppressed” (a politics and praxis of hope), which recognize the agency of people of color/Third World peoples to envision and collectively organize for radical transformative social change.

Dong Zhongshu was a preeminent Confucian scholar of the early Han Empire, often credited with the development of imperial Confucianism as a state ideology. He argued for the singular importance of the Confucian classics as a repository of good governing principles, and the need for the state bureaucracy to staff itself with morally cultivated men. He also appealed to a model of correlative cosmology based on a dynamic interplay of yin–yang forces for his exegetical studies of the Confucian classics, especially theSpring and Autumn Annals.

In the last decade, the field of postcolonial ecocriticism has offered important insights into how ecological transformations are intertwined with histories, narratives, and the material practices of colonialism and globalization. Contesting ‘Green Imperialism’: Ecology and Rights in South Asian Literature contributes to critical conversations on how the history of imperialism is pivotal to understanding contemporary environmental trajectories in South Asia. It is the first sustained interdisciplinary inquiry that brings together law, literature and postcolonial ecocriticism to gain a multifaceted understanding of the co-constitution of legal, cultural, political and ecological formations in South Asia.Contesting ‘Green Imperialism’ examines the onto-epistemic effects of imperial environmental legislation on environmental cultures in South Asia from the 16th century to the present. It focuses on the establishment and diffusion of legalnorms, particularly, the discourses on human rights, and its impact in shaping ecological thinking and practices in India, Sri Lanka and Pakistan. In particular, it inquires into how Western rights discourses colluded with scientific and philosophical discourses of ‘green imperialism’ —the imperial practices of naming and categorizingnature for imperial purposes of exercising control, creating a “hierarchy of human species…contributing to biologically determinist discourses of race, gender, andnature” (Grove 1998, 23). Tracing the relationship between rights discourse and colonial and postcolonial ecological thinking and practices as a part of ‘discursiveformation of knowledge and power,’ it underscores the significance of hierarchical classifications of man/nature/colonized in Western rights discourse in shapingenvironmental cultures in South Asia. Through a study of South Asian literature, this dissertation demonstrates howpostcolonial legal apparatuses continue to be informed by the ideology of ‘green imperialism,’ converging with the forces of modernity, ‘progress,’ state sovereignty,and neoliberal development in overdetermined ways. It argues that while Western legal texts on human rights can be read as an archive of ‘green imperialism’ and atestimony to the onto-epistemic violence on colonial territories and colonized subjects, literature by South Asian novelists—Amitav Ghosh, Romesh Gunesekara,A. Sivanandan, Chandani Lokuge and Uzma Khan— contests this process in reincorporating nature as a subject of rights and trope for human rights abuses. Inparticular, they challenge the taxonomic thinking of the rights discourse by destabilizing and re-envisioning the distinctions between man and nature in severalimportant ways; the counter discourses they offer participate in the decolonizing process in interrogating Eurocentric ontologies and epistemologies that inform ‘greenimperialism’ in law.

Western-type capitalism has always found a way of pestering itself around nations of the world, which have been rendered poor by global ideologies, such as; communism, feudalism, primitive and modern-day socialism. The Post-Cold War Capitalists’-based Vision here being called a ‘New World Order’, especially, in its current practices, as it has been imposed on the rest of the world by the G8 nations and assisted by the World Bank, IMF, United Nations, WTO and NATO, is a 21st Century Imperialist Rule constantly being communicated to the rest of society by the super-rich nations of the world. It is a 21st Century G8 Nations and American-Type of Colonial Imperialism, in which capitalism is constantly being used by the super-rich nations of the world to make poor nations feel extremely guilty for the same global poverty created by these super-rich nations. The current essay contends that while the current ‘New World Order’ is a wonderful idea on the pages papers, in its day-to-day application, it has remained nothing less than an American-bred Capitalists’ Vision of the society; a Western World kind of Imperialism and a barrage of political conspiracies by the United States of America, which must not be left to be, but which must be kept under constant check by the G8 nations as a higher political platform.Key words: Capitalism, Communism, Socialism, 21st Century Society, New and Old World Order

Centre-periphery relations are, as we made clear in the introduction, an ideological construction; indeed, boundaries of all forms are a human construction. The construction of boundaries has been a feature of human organisation since the bounding of land and the construction of the fence (Kotchemidova, 2012). The carving up and enclosure of land was central to the machinations of the industrial revolution and to colonisation. Beyond the appropriation and enclosure of land, a further geopolitical effect of colonialism was the inscription of ‘nation’ across the globe. The nation-state emerged in tandem with the rise of capitalism and imperialism and the demise of feudalism in Europe (Wallerstein, 1974, 1995). It was a social construction, an ‘imagined community’ (Anderson, 1991), displacing prior forms of structured collective relationships. The ideological construction and the myth of the nation-state and nationhood was greatly facilitated by European nations placing themselves at the centre of a new world formation and defining themselves ‘specifically in opposition to the difference which that “other” represented’ (Ashcroft et al., 2000, p. 15). That ‘other’ was the rest of the world outside the European centre that it engaged with in a colonialist and imperialistic manner.

Who, exactly, are the people living in Taiwan? What is the identity of the Taiwanese? This paper will discuss the self-identification of the Taiwanese through looking at kua-a-tsheh (song books), to organize and compare the portrayals of the Manchus, the Japanese, Chinese and Taiwanese and analyze the mindset and ideology of kua-a-tsheh writers in regard to these different labels. The texts examined mostly consist of Taiwanese Kua-a-tsheh from the 19th to 20th century, that contain descriptions of the standoff between the people and the authority, the police and citizenry, and the change in power authority. Through the political writing of some Taiwanese kua-a-tsheh, we look for the process of the evolution of Taiwanese self-identity. Tha paper also examines how change in power in 1895 and 1945 is viewed through the interpretive angle of history.