北宋中後期的文臣統兵：以陝西沿邊五路經略安撫使為例(1038~1100)

In this thesis, the research subject is the strategic thought of He Bo Shi Bei Lun writing by He qufei, which based on the “document analysis” research methods and adopts military strategy and political strategy as its research approach. For investigate the value of strategic thought of He Bo Shi Bei Lun, this thesis uses the case of U.S. War on Counter-Terrorism in Afghanistan (2001-2014) to examine the applicability and limitation of strategic thought in the war of today. The first chapter in this thesis, it discusses internal strategic environment and external strategic environment of the Northern Song Dynasty. The research concludes that both of the strategic environment are interacting and influencing each other. Because of the interaction, the prevailing custom of scholar discussing military science was been formed in the intermediate stage of Northern Song Dynasty and He Bo Shi Bei Lun can be published in the China’s history. The second chapter in this thesis, which uses military strategy research approach to analyze He Bo Shi Bei Lun in three parts: buildup, governance, and use of military force. In this analysis, first, buildup of military force has three points: doctrine of elite troops, brain-trust, and army comprised of national. Second, the opinion of governance of military force includes generalship and commanding soldiers, in this chapter our discuss tend to emphasize on generalship. The former contains leadership and civil–military relations; the latter focuses on the principle of commanding soldiers by law. Finally, the ideas of use of military force are discussing the importance of circumstances and flexibility of using military force. The third chapter in this thesis, which uses political strategy research approach to analyze He Bo Shi Bei Lun by four indicators: the government’s organizational force, the people’s centripetal force, the society’s stable force, and the international supporting force. In the first indicator about government’s organizational force, leader should keep its power certainly and use it to keep government stable. Second, the part of the people’s centripetal force, which indicates popular sentiment can influence the result of war and the transition of regime. So, the authorities should hold the heart of people. Third, the idea of society’s stable force, which is decision- maker, needs to carry out the policy that separate different ethnic groups to prevent ethnic conflict. The last anatomy in this chapter, international supporting force, it point out the importance of diplomacy, and then think that government should use diplomacy method to increase the possibility to win a war. After the second and third chapter, which uses military strategy and politics strategy to analyze He qufei’s strategic thought. The forth chapter uses the Case of U.S. War on Counter-Terrorism in Afghanistan (2001-2014) to examine the value of strategic thought in modern. In sum, He qufei’s strategic thought still has merit in modern, but some part of his thought also has limitation because it is limited by the factor of space and time.

Reviewed by: The Military Collapse of China’s Ming Dynasty, 1618–44 by Kenneth M. Swope Lei Duan (bio) Kenneth M. Swope. The Military Collapse of China’s Ming Dynasty, 1618–44. London: Routledge, 2014. viii, 291 pp. Hardcover $160.00, isbn 978-0-415-44927-4. Over the last few decades, scholarly interest in the interaction of military conflict with society and politics has steadily increased. Military historians have introduced the term “new military history,” an approach wherein they are more sensitive than traditional military historians to the wider social, economic, and institutional contexts that spawn military campaigns. Not confined to stories of weapons and military operations, writing military history under this new methodological approach can be a grueling endeavor because scholars have to investigate the complete circumstances of military campaigns. This includes studying not only their strategies but all the implications of these campaigns for politics and society. Kenneth Swope has presented a book of this sort. He draws upon impressive archival research and rich published sources to explore the military collapse of the Ming dynasty, resulting in a welcome contribution to existing historical literature on the fall of the Ming and the Manchu conquest. While not precluding the traditional “drum and trumpet” paradigm to analyze the actual strategy and battle, Swope also emphasizes the relationship between the Ming political system and military conflict. In so doing, Swope has convincingly explained the reasons behind the strategies employed by the Ming commanders that led to military failure. [End Page 373] The consensus among historians is that the Ming’s despotic political system functioned well only under a competent monarch with excellent strategic foresight who was capable both of maintaining the balance between his civil officials and military commanders and of selecting officials with military expertise and the competence to cope with military threats. There was no lack of competent field commanders and military strategists in the late Ming dynasty. Swope’s early study on the Three Great Campaigns of the Wanli emperor (1592–1598) details the important ways in which the Wanli emperor employed his talent for military affairs to conduct campaigns that successfully suppressed the Mongols, Japanese invaders, and civil rebels. As demonstrated in his A Dragon’s Head and a Serpent’s Tail, the Ming government in fact maintained its military prowess and remained strong enough to stabilize its borderlands and crush peasant uprisings at least before 1600. If this was so, how do we understand the eclipse of the Ming’s strong military performance in the 1630s and 1640s, given that many skillful commanders of Wanli’s era still served his successors? In the book under review, Swope tries to answer this question, continuing his interest in the military history of the late Ming. In so doing, he provides the reader with a vivid and finely detailed account of the Ming’s military collapse. Swope is by no means the first historian to take up the fall of the Ming as an issue of scholarly concern. The classical study on this topic is Frederic Wakeman Jr.’s The Great Enterprise. Wakeman highlights Manchu military ambitions, but, in the words of Swope, “devotes far too little attention to what the Ming did wrong” (p. 6). Distinguished from previous research, Swope primarily adopts a “court-centered approach,” by focusing on how and why certain military strategies and tactics were developed in the Ming court, together with their direct impact on the battlefield. He shows that the late Ming’s inability to respond to the Manchu conquest and peasant rebellions stemmed largely from poor leadership of notable individuals, including the emperors and core military commanders, who became increasingly autocratic and failed to make sound military decisions, leaving the dynasty more vulnerable to both foreign and domestic foes. The book is divided into eight chronologically organized chapters, covering the period from Nurhaci’s attack on the trading city of Fushun in 1618 to the Manchu army’s entrance into Beijing in 1644. The brief introduction maps out the historical context of the decline of the Ming and situates the present study within a broader historiographical scope. Swope engages with existing literature on the political and social dynamics of the Ming...

This three-volume study examines the questions raised by the performance of the military institutions of France, Germany, Russia, the United States, Great Britain, Japan and Italy in the period from 1914 to 1945. Leading military historians deal with the different national approaches to war and military power at the tactical, operational, strategic, and political levels. They form the basis for a fundamental re-examination of how military organizations have performed in the first half of the twentieth century. Volume 2 covers the interwar period. Volumes 1 and 3 address World War I and World War II, respectively. Now in a new edition, with a new introduction by the editors, these classic volumes will remain invaluable for military historians and social scientists in their examination of national security and military issues. They will also be essential reading for future military leaders at Staff and War Colleges.

Confucian utopian models were reconstructed during the Sung dynasty. However, the transformative capacity of this utopian thrust was limited. It is claimed here that the roots for the understanding of the utopian thrust of the Sung are to be sought in the very process by which Confucianism was institutionalized and the kinds of tensions generated by this process. Two factors are raised to explain the limited impingement of the utopian thrust of the Sung upon Chinese society and polity: 1) The attempt to implement the reformulated vision within the very same institutional structure. 2) The structural characteristics of the Literati as a group.

This study examines the crucial policies in the governance of Baekje, a kingdom in the 5th century, with a focus on its response to the invasions by Goguryeo, a neighboring kingdom. King Biyu, who came from the moderate faction known as the clan “Hae” was established as the ruler, following a diplomatic approach of not provoking Goguryeo, which had been maintained since the reign of King Jeonji. However, a shift in Baekje's stance can be detected in the negotiation with the Southern Dynasties of China, particularly during the year 450.
 The negotiation with the Song Dynasty, mediated by Fungyabu, a North Korean envoy in the Northern Dynasties, aimed to undermine the relationship between Baekje and Goguryeo, while maximizing diplomatic gains for Baekje. Through negotiations with Song Dynasty in 450, Baekje sought to constrain Goguryeo and strengthen its own influence.
 Additionally, the items demanded by Baekje from the Song Dynasty, such as “Yeok-rim”, “Sikjeom”, and “Yono”, indicate the needs and policies of Baekje around 450. Yeok-rim and Sikjeom signify the introduction of new military tactics to expand Baekje's policy position, while Yono implies a focus on military reinforcement and weapons acquisition. The dispatch of Fungyabu and the requested items reflect a shift in Baekje's policy towards a more confrontational approach with Goguryeo, revealing the internal dynamics within Baekje.
 In September 455, immediately before his death, King Biyu is recorded to have encountered a “Black Dragon” in the “Han River” region. Notably, King Biyu went hunting in “Hansan” in March, a region that frequently appeared in the context of conflicts with Goguryeo. His hunting in Hansan was likely meant to assert his control over the military forces, emphasizing the imminent confrontation with Goguryeo. These actions by King Biyu contradicted the moderate policies pursued by the Haesei faction, which had previously dominated Baekje's approach towards Goguryeo, indicating potential friction between the moderate faction led by the clan “Hae” and the hardline faction led by King Biyu.
 Following King Biyu's death, a significant shift occurred within the moderate faction led by the clan “Hae”, leading to an internal conflict with the hardline faction led by King Gaero. Approximately a month after King Biyu's demise, in October 455, Goguryeo launched an invasion on Baekje, which was eventually repelled with the assistance of a Silla relief force. This event undermined the legitimacy of the moderate faction, including the clan “Hae”, in the succession dispute, ultimately resulting in King Gaero ascending the throne and the victory of the hardline faction.
 Indeed, the rise of King Gaero, who suppressed the moderate faction and seized power, and his supporting faction inherently faced limitations in adopting a tough stance against Goguryeo.

The "Ancestors' Family Instructions":Authority and Sovereignty in Song China Deng Xiaonan, Christian Lamouroux, and Luo Yinan New Appreciation Deng Xiaonan and Christian Lamouroux, "The 'Ancestors' Family Instructions': Authority and Sovereignty in Song China." JSYS 35 (2005): 79–97. This article presents a new interpretation of the Song literati's culture of practice, which was constituted by their conviction that they preserved the memory of the imperial "Ancestors' Family Instructions," their self-identity as the guardians of these "Instructions" in court politics, and their performative interactions in various historical contexts guided by these imaginative roles. Professors Deng and Lamouroux therefore challenge commonly-held views that take the competition amongst various political actors such as emperors, factions, and bureaucrats as the major theme of Song political life. Instead, the authors successfully revealed the constitutive power of political culture that shaped the content of elites' competition; it also points to the role of culture in directing the changing trajectory of Song elite politics. Deng and Lamouroux's new picture of Song political life portrays literati not as self-centered players of politics who were devoted to pursuing personal goals that were shaped by material interests and beliefs regarding ideal order. Rather, the conflicts and compromises of literati reflect their common recognition of the same cultural framework, known as the "Ancestors' Family Instructions," through which they understood themselves and others. The authors' research therefore reveals these "Instructions" as the hinge on which political life became practical. Even though political life appeared to revolve around personal interests and beliefs, it nevertheless hinged on processes of intersubjective imagination, in which political participants integrated their discrete personal experiences and perceptions with the cultural framework that bestowed meanings upon both the self and other interacting human subjects. Within this new picture, the recurring tensions and conflicts amongst Song literati did not foretell the disintegration of the literati community. On the contrary, it reflected a collective literati imaginary that was shaped by the same cultural framework that coordinated the meanings, norms, and justifications for their actions. This article inherits the academic tradition of Chinese historiography, a tradition that gained prominence in the first half of twentieth century, thanks to such great Chinese historians as Chen Yinke 陳寅恪, Qian Mu 錢穆 and [End Page 133] Deng Guangming 鄧廣銘, who believed that historical research should be an endless intellectual odyssey in which scholars strive to understand different worlds of meaning: not only those of the research objects, but also their own. Moreover, it also establishes a common ground between Chinese historiography and the ontological tradition of European social theory, which views the area of politics not simply as the aggregation of the behavior of individuals who are conceived as bounded and purposive actors, but the processes through which interrelated agents unfolded their understandings of the existential world. After its publication, this work has paved way for a great number of succeeding studies in both Chinese and Anglophone scholarship that have been continuously reshaping the landscape of Song political history. A new way of "understanding" Song history has emerged among Song scholars, who can imagine historical agents' life-streams as flowing side by side with their own, enabling them to search for a Song history that is meaningful to their own age. [End Page 134] luo yinan 羅禕楠 peking university What constraints existed on the power of the emperor in premodern China? This is a question of interest to historians of China as well as our colleagues in other fields, and we offer this research report, a partial translation of an article published in the French journal Annales—Histoire, Sciences sociales in 2004,1 as a preliminary answer. We focus on the development of the concept of the "Ancestors' Family Instructions" (zuzong jiafa 祖宗家法 or zuzong zhi fa 祖宗之法) during the Song dynasty—widely acknowledged to be both the beginning of autocratic rule and the birth of the bureaucratic state. First, we would like to present some definitions of the concept, and then we will locate it within three different historical contexts: the political, the ideological, and the administrative. We conclude with some observations on the role played by the "Ancestors' Instructions" in the making of the bureaucratic state. Many Song texts mention "Ancestors' Family Instructions." The...

CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS

Zhenglei Bencao was written by TANG Shen-wei,a famous doctor of Song dynasty,on the basis of Jiayou Bencao and Benco Tujing through citing many precious literatures on Confucianism,history,Daoism and other social scientific works.Zhenglei Bencao stayed at a very important position in the history of Chinese materia medica.By studying this book,the author proposed that the reason for TANG Shen-wei rccording so many literatures on Confucianism and other social scientific works was the effects of Confucianism doctors appeared at song dynasty.Because TANG Shen-wei was a good doctor,he paid attention to collect Chinese medical formula.the processing of Chinese medicine.genuine medicine and food therapy.But as a result of less activity in Chinese herbs recognition and collection,TANG Shen-wei did not have a sound understanding on Chinese herbs and his own academic opinions. Key words: Zhenglei Bencao; TANG Shen-wei; Academic thoughts; Origin of thoughts

Throughout the history of warfare, military leaders have recognized the potentially devastating consequences of ailing armies. Outbreaks of disease among the ranks have contributed to the collapse of empires and the falls of dynasties. Even today, we are just one mutation away from catastrophic consequences that would literally reshape the world as we know it. While it is true that the World Wars underscore the capacity of armed conflict among world powers to spread disease on a global scale, they also highlight the medical advances that often accompany modern warfare. Herein, we reflect upon the role of the World Wars in establishing a trajectory for modern medicine and posit an organizational role for our armed forces as a platform of cooperation in global public health.

In the post-Cold War era, the United States insisted on developing a national missile defense (NMD) system for national security, which not only caused strong discontent of countries, but further weakened security and international status of Russia. The development of NMD system also threatened nuclear balance and repudiated an Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty between the U.S. and the Russia. It might bring another arms race. By document analysis method and historical research method, the thesis explores what countermeasures Russia has to the NMD system. Basically, diplomacy and military strategy are main means. The reason there was a chasm between the U.S. and the Russia on the NMD and ABM was that the U.S. attempted to strengthen its status of world military power. With weakening economic strength, the Russia was unable to invest huge budget in enhancement and extension of technology; therefore, it must choose the most-effective measure to contend against defensive nuclear impact from the U.S. In diplomacy the Russia emphasized internationally the value of ABM Treaty for global nuclear balance. In international policy the Russia alienated the United State’s allies, strengthening military cooperation with its neighbors, and consolidating international status to enhance reciprocal relations with the U.S. by global anti-terrorism. In military affairs the Russia declared its determination to use nuclear weapon if necessary, undertaking improvement of nuclear weapon aimed for the weakness of NMD, and finally modernizing military system to enhance national defense. The thesis pursues the following goals: 1.To clarify the realization of the NMD project by USA. 2.To study the contest between Russia and USA in relation to the NMD system. 3.To investigate the adjustments of Russia’s policy in the course of the above mentioned contest. 4.To explore in details the position of Russian government on the NMD issue.

The last decade of change in the Czech Republic has introduced a market economy, a pluralistic political system, and democratic values of liberalism, freedom and individualism. In this context, Czech society identified quick integration with Europe and its security system as a political priority. Both politicians and the public recognised that reform of the Czech Republic’s own internal and external security systems would be a precondition of this integration process, and so began to pay significant — if selective — attention to it. Internal security issues — and in particular the establishment of democratic oversight of the intelligence services and the reform of the police — were given priority. In contrast, military issues were de-prioritised. Czech society was convinced early on of the armed forces’ loyalty to the new government and of the reality of democratic civilian control. Once these issues were addressed, society’s attention turned to more vital economic, social and political problems. As a result, the reform of the Czech armed forces became the almost exclusive concern of the politicians in the Ministry of Defence, and senior military officers. It was only after NATO accession and the Kosovo crisis that Czech society began to pay more attention to specifically military issues. This process was intensified by the events of 11 September 2001.

Reporting on military issues does not lose relevance in the modern media. In the Georgian press of the 20th century, this topic was given a great place. The purpose of my research was to review newspaper “Sakartvelo” (1918-1919) periodical edition of the National Democratic Party; identify how they covered military issues and how the publicists expressed their position.Research had shown that “Sakartvelo” under the heading “War” was offering to their readers brief informational notes from various fronts of World War I. Military issues were mainly covered by extensive publications, there were analytical materials about creation of Young State's Defense System and the Reorganization of the Army.Publicists of the newspaper “Sakartvelo” offered to the Georgian government a proper plan how to organize army. According to the newspaper's position, military forces should be regular and any kind of economizing was unjustified not to get the reverse effect and not to create anarchy instead of order.Keywords: Army, Georgia, party press, war

Introduction: Physical training and physical fitness are required to accomplish military missions. Injuries have a great impact on the health and readiness of the military personnel than any other category of medical complaint.
 Objective: To find out the common types of injuries, causes of injury and place of occurrence among the Bangladesh Armed Forces personnel during their military activities.
 Materials and Methods: This cross-sectional descriptive study was carried out during the period of March to June 2012. A total of 101 serving Armed Forces Personnel who had injured during military activities and received indoor treatment from orthopedic, surgery, neurosurgery and officers’ ward of CMH, Dhaka were selected. Data were collected in a semi-structured questionnaire through face to face interview.
 Results: The mean age of the study populations were 31.69 ± 6.7 years and ranged from 18 to 45 years. Among the cases, 83.2% were Army personnel, 9.9% were Navy and 6.9% were from Air Force. Most of the affected cases (55.5%) belonged to fighting arms, 19.8% from support arms and 5.0% from services arms. Maximum (26.7%) cases suffered from knee injury followed by 23.8% vertebral column related injury and 11.9% lower leg injury. Maximum (40.6%) cases sustained injury in training ground followed by 29.7% in the sports ground and 6.9% in operation area.
 Conclusion: Injury is one of the major causes of morbidity among the members of Armed Forces. Careful study and analysis on training and operational activities of Armed Forces Personnel definitely will explore new dimension to prevent and combat this preventable health burden.
 Journal of Armed Forces Medical College Bangladesh Vol.14 (1) 2018: 69-72

Each May, During Nurses Week, we formally, on a national level, celebrate our work and our profession. Given recent events and the military action in Iraq, it seems timely and appropriate to pay special attention to the fine work of the nurses in the military — to the contributions they make to our national safety and well-being, and to the powerful contributions they have made to the development of the profession. The present action in Iraq places many men, women, and children in harm's way, including those Americans who are there to provide care and foster and protect the values of our society.

"Resist Not Evil": The Ideological Roots of Civil War Pacifism Thomas E Curran In June of 1861, Alfred H. Love wrote a letter to William J. Mullen in response to an address Mullen had given at the First Baptist Church of Philadelphia. The letter, published a year later with the title An Appeal in Vindication of Peace Principles, and Against Resistance by Force of Arms, condemned the use of carnal force to put down the Southern rebellion, and specifically criticized people who had been active in the peace movement prior to 1861 for laying aside their peace principles in order to help prosecute the war, as Mullen had done. "Excuse me if I reflect too severely," stated Love in the letter. "But thy having been imbued with the importance of pure peace principles, and even now acknowledging their virtue, renders thee far more recreant to the trust imposed by our Father, than one who has not advanced to this high moral standard."1 Alfred Love, a Philadelphia woolens merchant and an avowed pacifist, argued against Mullen's claims that in this particular instance the use of one evil—violence—was necessary in order to destroy a worse evil— secession—and that a permanent peace could never exist so long as sin and wickedness exist in the world. "Although a pure non-resistance by carnal weapons politically considered, may seem at this time impractical," Love countered, "yet as Christians we must know nothing of expediency, for that presupposes a palliation of evil; we must know nothing of compromises, for that mediates an agreement with wickedness." For Love, there could be no deviation from the principles of nonresistance for any reason, even in the midst of this national crisis which threatened the very existence of the United States. He continued: Thee admits my premises are right, but says it is too late to talk peace and irresistance by the sword. That it may do in the hereafter; that this is not the 1 Alfred H. Love, An Appeal in Vindication of Peace Principles, and Against Resistance by Force of Arms (Philadelphia: Maas and Vogdes, 1862), 6. Civil War History, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3, c 1990 by the Kent State University Press 198CIVIL WAR HISTORY millennium. Why we make millenniums! They are the highest development of our spiritual nature, attainable only by lives of purity and virtue, by abjuring the use of carnal weapons and adopting a system of universal benevolence and love to mankind.2 Alfred Love based his pacifism on the belief that humans could attain Christian perfection by emulating the examples of Jesus as shown in the New Testament, examples that delineated the laws of God. For him, the Second Coming of Jesus and the advent of the millennium were not faraway events in time, but rather a spiritual phenomenon experienced by individuals who accepted God's laws. "We agree," Love wrote of himself and his fellow pacifists, "that to take up arms at all, even in the present engrossing conflict, is wrong, and must be declined by all who would be faithful followers of the precepts and examples of Jesus Christ."3 The Civil War put severe strains upon the faith of Northern pacifists like Love. Yet a significant number adhered to their principles of nonresistance to violence throughout the conflict, despite the fact that the vast majority of Northerners completely supported military intervention in order to save the Union. This essay will discuss the ideology of Civil War pacifism by focusing on two individuals, Alfred Love and Adin Ballou, and on the traditionally pacifistic Mennonite sect. But first a note should be made on popular thought in the North concerning the prosecution of the war. The firing on Fort Sumter and Abraham Lincoln's subsequent call for volunteers consolidated Northern opinion in favor of a military response to secession. Except for the pacifists and a small group of Democrats sympathetic in various degrees toward the South, Northerners initially gave their support to the Union effort and continued to do so throughout the duration of the war, accepting the Lincoln administration's war policies, including emancipation and conscription.4 Patriotism, however, did not completely account for this northern war...