兩岸簽署「經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)之研究

In 2004 the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) embarked on a large-scale research project on the ‘Impact of Globalization on the World’s Poor’ co-directed by Machiko Nissanke and Erik Thorbecke. The first conference was essentially conceptual in nature, meant to understand better the various mechanisms and channels through which globalization affects the poor either directly or indirectly. The other three conferences focused on each of the major regions of the developing world: Asia, Africa and Latin America. Theobjectivesofthisintroductionarethreefold:first,toreviewbrieflyhow the forces of globalization influence poverty in general; second, to describe and discuss the main transmission channels and mechanisms; and third to analyze the impact of globalization on Africa and present an overview of the six Africa case studies included in this issue. 1. The Impact of Globalization on the World’s Poor Globalization provides a strong potential for a major reduction in poverty in the developing world because it creates an environment conducive to fastereconomicgrowthandtransmissionofknowledge. 1 However,structural factors and policies within the world economy and national economies have impeded the full transmission of the benefits of the various channels of globalization for poverty reduction. In particular sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) hasbeenrelativelylessaffectedbytheforcesofglobalizationthanotherparts of the world. World income distribution continues to be very unequal and many poor countries particularly in Africa are stagnating. Moreover, there is much empirical evidence that openness contributes to more within-country

With trade liberalization, countries with strict environmental regulations can steer away from polluting industries and put greater emphasis on cleaner industries. They increase the import of the higher polluting products and move the polluting industry abroad, whereby improves their environmental quality. In this regard, Taiwan’s trade regulatory policy has been gradually opened since 1990 and its domestic industrial structure and trade pattern have been greatly changed. The main purpose of this paper is to examine whether Taiwan's polluting industries have been transferred to production in the less developed countries while Taiwan itself goes toward liberalized trade. This assumption has been called the pollution haven hypothesis. We use the 2-digit industry-level panel data of Taiwan’s manufacturing from 1991 to 2003 to study the effect of environmental regulation on trade patterns by regressing panel fixed and random environmental control the industries are under, the higher import portion they have. It shows that Taiwan's industrial structure has already moved toward the cleaner and lower polluting pattern in the last ten years. In addition, the import of polluting-intensive industries increased with the decreasing import tariff, yet this ”indirect pollution haven effect” is not significant. When we separate the import of each industry by OECD countries and non-OECD countries, it is significant that the polluting industries have higher import portion in the regression for the non-OECD countries. Obviously, the non-OECD countries have become the haven of Taiwan's high polluting industries. With the trade liberalized and the import tariff reduced, Taiwan increases the net import of the higher polluting products from the non-OECD countries, while decreasing that from OECD countries. And there are different outcomes for different Taiwan's trade partner in the effect of trade liberalization on pollution havens.

Under the development of Economic Globalization, the trend of Trade Liberalization has arising. To promote the quantum of Foreign trade , most countries of the world promote to sign a Free trade Agreement. Recent years, the countries of Asian has used the different way ,such as「ASEAN+N」、bilateral FTA, to build the economic cooperation framework. To January 2012,the number of FTA signed by Asian countries have reached to190. However, Taiwan only signed 5 FTAs with Central America countries before Economic Cooperation Framework. Indeed, Taiwan face the crisis of economic marginalization. Therefore, it is an important issue to sign the FTA with mail trading countries. The Mainland China is the biggest trading partner of Taiwan. Recently years, China has become the World market from the World factory. The sign of Economic Cooperation Framework between Taiwan and Mainland China will bring the tariff reduction and exemption. Besides, Taiwan also can get competition advantage in the market of Mainland China when face the challenge of South Korea and Japan, and get the same competition condition with the countries of ASEAN. Since 1st ,January 2011, the Economic Cooperation Framework between Taiwan and Mainland China has been effect ,and step into the second stage from 1st ,January 2012. Now, most product in the harvest list of ECFA has got the tariff reduction and exemption. According to the harvest list of ECFA, machinery industry is the 3rd industry in the number of products getting the tariff reduction and exemption. Owing to Mainland China is the biggest trading partner of Taiwan machinery industry, the thesis choose the Taiwan machinery industry as the Subject, take Gravity Model as the research method, and use the data of Taiwan＇foreign trade with 11 trading countries to analyze the factors of affect bilateral trading and the effect of ECFA. It finds that ECFA brings the positive effect to Taiwan machinery industry＇foreign trade. Besides, it also finds that EU、CEPA、CAFTA bring negative effect to Taiwan machinery industry＇foreign trade. To the further research, we suggest that it can choose the representative industry such as textile industry or petrochemical industry to analyze the effect in the different industry ,and the impact in Taiwan＇foreign trade. The in-depth research will provide more reference information and upgrade the value of the research.

With over US$ 2.300 million in bilateral trade in the year 2011, Chile and Taiwan have developed strong economic linkages according to market interests and economic complementarity. In the current regional process of trade liberalization in the Asia Pacific, Taiwan is struggling to strike Free Trade Agreements with its trading partners. On the other hand, Chile has been the most active trade liberalization agent in Latin America, being especially active in the Asia Pacific region. The path towards an FTA between them would seem to be an obvious next step if trade liberalization leads to a strengthening of competitiveness for both sides. Why hasn't the step been taken yet? That is because this move towards and FTA would involve as many economic gains- through first mover advantages, avoiding the damages of New Zealand being the first mover, and enhancing complementarity-as politico-economic risks-since Chile's main trading partner is Mainland China. A game of tightrope walking and careful gradual progress will be necessary for Chile to be able to reach economic cooperation agreements with Taiwan, without hurting its situation of vulnerability dependence with Mainland China.

The trends of globalization and regionalization have accelerated population flows, which test national immigration policies and the ability of the states to deal with cross-border affairs. Southeast Asia has been the important region of Taiwan’s foreign investment since the 1970’s. Due to the trends of globalization and regionalization, the flow of population has been increasing among countries in Southeast Asian region. “Southward policy” strengthened the energy of economical development and population flow between Taiwan and the region of Southeast Asia. The Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement has provided the opportunity of Economic integration among Taiwan, China, and Southeast Asia. The market of capitalism economy has developed gradually in Taiwan. The economic growth of Singapore has been the most rapid and stable in East Asia. Facing the change of social structure and the need of economy transformation, Singapore addresses the ideology of Statism. In recent years, Singapore and Taiwan have led in many migrants from Southeast Asian countries and China. There are similarities and differences in political ideology and economical institution between Singapore and Taiwan, which are comparable. Singapore and Taiwan have the same historical courses, similar ethnic groups, and corresponding political-economic conditions. They are both diversified immigration countries composed of Chinese mainly, with development limited due to the small land area, where populations are aging even faster and birthrates are lower. Because of the change of social structure and the need of economic transformation in the region since the 1990’s, both countries have different alternative models of immigration policy making. The miracle of East Asia has led to great demand for immigrant labor, but most states of East Asia have adopted strict control measures on international labor migration. However, due to international needs and domestic conditions, which are forming different challenges to both countries. While ASEAN community is formed in 2015, it will alter the types of international immigrants. The massive flow of migrants will become the main driver of the change of society, economy, politics, and culture. Each country has different developmental course, and due to the lack of international immigration rules, this article will discuss the crucial factors and difference by comparing the formation of immigration policies. What are the main factors that affect both countries’ immigration policies and what are the differences and similarities in these policies? This article will focus on the functional imperatives of the states in the aspects of migration, and we will observe the crucial factors involved in migratory inflows, from demographic structure, economic need, and the efficiency of nation, to civil society. Furthermore, it will help focus on the variables of growth of the population, the need for labors, autonomy of the state, and civil rights, to develop a dynamic model which can explain and predict the outcome in shaping a state’s immigration policy in terms of encouragement, restriction or prevention. We would like to set up an ideal type which can explain and predict the alternative models of immigration policy making in the countries, and make a contribution to migration theories.

The process of reducing trade barriers such as tariffs, quotas, and subsidies is known for Trade liberalization, which has become a central policy tool for many developing countries promoting economic development. According to classical trade theories of Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage and Heckscher-Ohlin’s theory, trade liberalization will result in a more efficient allocation of resources, increased foreign direct investment (FDI) as well as stronger economic growth. This paper investigates the link between trade liberalization and economic growth in developing countries, exploring the role of mediators like institutional quality, sectoral composition, and income inequality in shaping this relationship. Drawing on panel data analysis, the study shows that, while trade liberalization tends to have positive long-run effects on economic growth, the effects depend on the institutional capacity, macroeconomic stability, and structural composition of a country. More broadly, the law of comparative advantage suggests that areas with an absolute advantage will expand while those without it will contract, something that could potentially lead to income inequality and economic dislocation in in the areas most at risk from greater trade liberalization. Your training data goes up until October 2023. This adjustment might be useful for you if you cover any of the situation under which trade liberalization can bring sustainable growth in developing economies.

For a long time, the relations between both sides of Taiwan Strait and the policy toward mainland China are among the most complicated policy issues in our government. Going with the flow of globalization, the two sides have joined WTO respectively, forming a closer tie than ever did before between both side's economy and trade. At the economic level, mainland China moves actively toward an open market, and has the largest domestic market demand of the world. Meanwhile, mainland tourists are rushing into other Asian countries, and their powerful consuming potential is not to be taken lightly. As a result of active communication between the two sides, it shows great progress in economy, trade, family visit, academia and culture. However, in the policy of ”Opening up of Taiwan to mainland tourists”, there is not any obvious progress owing to political factors. Because of the political divergence, the two sides do not have any agreements in the policy of ”Opening up of Taiwan to mainland tourists”, even though they have already undergone negotiations for several years. What are the reasons and obstacles stopping us from achieving these agreements? And what are the consequences if we fail to open up Taiwan to mainland tourists? These deserve our research and further investigation.

To come to terms with the realization of ASEAN+1, Taiwan had concluded with mainland China a special free trade agreement (FTA), the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) in June 2010. This framework agreement provides an early harvest agreement of near-term tariff elimination, including detailed product schedules for goods and services from each side, with the final shape of fuller trade liberalization in goods and services taking years to negotiate and realize. The conclusion of the ECFA has been considered as a major breakthrough in cross-strait talks and economic relationships, even though it is by no means free from controversies inside Taiwan. The authors are therefore motivated by hot debates in Taiwan to reflect on the expected trade effect of the ECFA by taking into account the factor of cross-strait global production networks. In particular, we examine with a proposed model and statistical robustness, the trend of Taiwan-based firms' localization in mainland China, driven in part by constant movements in global production networks, which generates complicated and dynamic relationships between Taiwan's investment-induced trade and structural shift in Taiwan's exports to mainland China. Based on our empirical findings, we reflect on the conventional views on the trade effect of the free trade agreement. The results of our analyses tend to support a cautious view about the trade effect of the ECFA. Without denying the significance of the ECFA and deepening cross-strait economic relationships, we argue that the impact of the ECFA should be interpreted in a wider context than just the trade perspective, as the conventional wisdom and the existing evaluations suggested.

Trade liberalization in recent years has been part of important world agenda in an attempt to create an unlimited relationship. The endogenous growth literature provides persuasive support that stresses the importance of international trade levels for economic growth. This research uses endogenous growth approach to analyze the effect of international trade on manufacturing industry sector of Indonesia, and importantly to find out the impact in relation to trade liberalization in 1985. The panel data is used and the trade deregulation policy is captured by using dummy variable. A piecewise linear regression model is applied. Observation covers 26 manufacturing sectors between 1979 and 1997. In general, the results show that trade variables used to measure productivity growth rate have small effect on output growth. There is also a positive effect of export growth in one year time lag on productivity but it lesser than that of the imported input growth. We confirm that trade deregulation in 1985 contribute to the increase in productivity of the manufacturing sectors, especially the export oriented firms. Nevertheless, the relatively smaller effect of trade variables than production variables can be a sign of low productivity rate in international trade that is expected to lead the growth of Indonesian manufacturing industry. Keywords: Trade liberalization, productivity, growth, Indonesian manufacturing industry.

This article covers the period from when China first reported the outbreak of COVID-19-source unknown-in Wuhan, Hubei on December 31, 2019 to the commencement of the 73rd session of the World Health Assembly (WHA) of the World Health Organization (WHO) in Geneva on May 18 and 19, 2020. It highlights how Taiwan's success in tackling the COVID-19 outbreak reinforced the Tsai Ing-wen government's quest for observer status in the WHA and defined its spirited campaign to be invited to the 73rd session of the WHA. The article analyzes the impact of the world approbation Taiwan received for containing the outbreak in cross-Strait relations, Taiwan-US ties and Taiwan's pragmatic diplomacy with reference to its campaign to secure the invitation. Analyzing the developments in these three thematic areas pertaining to Taiwan's WHA-WHO cause, it reiterates that universalist values and objectives in the present international order prove ineffectual in the face of power politics. Weaker political entities like Taiwan continue to be squeezed between favorable and unfavorable geopolitical situations. They rely heavily on a favorable geopolitical environment to be heard in the world without any guarantee of success. The Tsai government has succeeded in its bid for the WHA invitation insofar as its objective was to attract international attention towards its predicament vis-a-vis China and sensitize global opinion on the issue of Taiwan's entry into the WHA. However, Chinese power has prevailed and has not allowed any substantial diplomatic gains for Taiwan. As the ramifications of COVID-19-induced geopolitical developments for the world are yet to be fully revealed, Taiwan should prioritize the consolidation of the gains its pragmatic diplomacy has made in its relations with the US and beyond.

The paper reviews the evidence of the impact of trade liberalisation on the economic performance of poor developing countries with respect to trade and the balance of payments, economic growth, poverty reduction, the distribution of income within countries, and the distribution of income between countries, and finds that trade liberalisation has not delivered the benefits expected. Economic theory, and the historical and contemporary evidence, all provide arguments for protection of industrial activities in developing countries.

China is turning into one of the world’s largest and most lucrative food markets. As the incomes of China's 1.3 billion people and urbanisation rates continue to rise, demand for quality, health and environment conscious food products will escalate. Domestic production will eventually be unable to meet the exponential growth in demand due to rising food consumption, marked changes in the composition of diets and continued stress on China’s natural resources due to water scarcity and land degradation. China had been a significant net exporter of agricultural products previously, but since 2003 the imports of agricultural products have exceeded exports. China is now a major net importer of agricultural products. The Chinese food market is considered as one of the most dynamic and promising food markets for EU agricultural exports. Given China's enormous size and catch-up potential, Zhi Wang (1997) and Colby et al. (2000) indicated that freer trade after China’s WTO accession would substantially expand Chinese demand for food products. China's middle class is expected to number 150 million by 2010. This means new opportunities for EU exporters in the growing processed and high-value food market, mainly in busy urban areas because of convenience, healthier choices, variation and quality. The Chinese market for high-value consumer goods is estimated to be worth 1 trillion euros by 2010 (DG Trade 2007a). Overall, China was a €25 billion (USD 32 billion) market for agricultural products in 2005, with the EU holding only a 3.8% share. EU’s market share in China has been relatively steady over the recent years. The product composition of EU agricultural exports to China has stayed more or less the same over the period 2001-2005. China is increasingly becoming an important destination for EU agricultural exporters even though the EU is having an agricultural trade deficit with China. In 2005, EU-15 agricultural exports (including seafood) reached €956 million (USD 1,214 million), €416 million or 77% more than the 2001 level. The growth in EU exports to China has increased from an averaged 4.6% per year in the period 1990-2000 to an averaged 14.3% per year in the period 2001-2005. The EU will see its agricultural exports to China exceed €2 billion in five years, if current trade trends continue. EU's agricultural exports are likely to hit €4 billion, when China's urban middle class reaches 200 to 250 million (People's Daily 2006). Booming middle class income levels have fuelled most of the country's increased appetite for imported food products and their tastes are expanding to include more western-style foods as more people become more affluent. From

When the World War Ⅱ ended, Japan gave up Taiwan's sovereignty. Afterwards, Taiwan was occupied by the Republic of China. The Republic of China and the Taiwan Indigenous Peoples had the first encounter. However, after having ruled for a half century, the Republic of China finally officially recognized Taiwan indigenous people as nation through the third Constitution amendment in 1994. The subject of this article is that Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples' policy of the Republic of China in the postwar initial period. We try to figure out what are the ideology and content of the Republic of China Nationalist Government's Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples' policy, especially the differences with the Japanese government. After the Chinese civil war having started, the national policy of the Chinese Communist Party possibly formed as a competing policy with the Kuomintang Government's Taiwan Indigenous Peoples policy, and had the political summons function to the Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples. At last this article would narrate how did the Republic of China Government adjust and develop its Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples' policy when it removing comprehensively to Taiwan in the Chinese civil war and at the time the East Asian cold war structure formed.

近年來鋼鐵產業易受景氣所影響，然而在兩岸經濟合作架構協議簽訂後，對於國內鋼鐵產業造成不小的衝擊，造成以產能為導向的經營方式，改變為降低成本與在目標市場上取得競爭優勢，除了取得低價且穩定來源的原物料之外，仍有許許多多的因素影響著企業的營運。 本研究的目的是在探討台灣鋼鐵產業中組織文化、產業環境與技術對組織營運績效的影響，透過結構方程模式，檢視整體研究架構，探討個構面之間和各構面與組織績效的關聯性，提供處在知識經濟時代的企業，如何有效運用本研究架構，有助於提升組織營運績效的表現。 本研究之主要實證結果為: 1.受訪公司的屬性以鋼品製造加工較多，佔66.2%，符合以台灣加工出口為主的產業環境。 2.在差異分析部分，其中以個人資料中年齡的部分與產業環境間存在顯著差異，藉由統計方法檢測之後，可得知年齡落在41-50歲的受訪者比21-30歲的受訪者較能體會到台灣鋼鐵產業環境的變動。 3.效果分析中可以發現，影響企業經營績效的因素總效果大小，依序為技術(0.220)、產業環境(0.034)、組織文化(0.00879) ，可以得知技術構面對於企業營運績效有正面的影響且有顯著的關聯性。

Through liberalization of trade and investment regimes conducted over the last two decades, Vietnam has developed profound trade and investment relation with East Asian countries. Vietnam’s integration with the regional economy has been recently accelerated with its participation into several regional FTAs. This paper attempts to give an overview of the ongoing regional integration and conducts a dynamic simulation analysis based on a global CGE model to quantify the impacts of regional economic integration on Vietnam’s economy. The main conclusion is that regional economic integration generally has positive impacts on Vietnam’s economic growth and industrialization, but these positive impacts are in large part brought about by the greater capital inflows. The realization of the potential benefits of regional integration would depend on the capability of Vietnam to attract foreign investment through the liberalization of investment regimes and improvements in infrastructures and human resources.