"1940年頃の蘭嶼(台湾タオ族)"-千々岩助太郎のNHK解説から-

문화란 라틴어의 cultura에서 파생한 culture를 번역한 말로 본래의 뜻은 경작이나 재배였는데, 나중에 교양 예술 등의 뜻을 가지게 되었다. 영국의 인류학자 E. B.타일러는 저서 <TEX>${\ll}$</TEX>원시문화 Primitive Culture<TEX>${\gg}$</TEX>(1871)에서 문화란 "지식 신앙 예술 도덕 법률 관습 등 인간이 사회의 구성원으로서 획득한 능력 또는 습관의 총체"라고 정의를 내렸다. 그리고 문화란 인류에서만 볼 수 있는 사유, 행동의 양식 중에서 유전에 의하는 것이 아니라 학습에 의해서 소속하는 사회로부터 습득하고 전달받은 것 전체를 말한다. 따라서 활발한 문화의 보급은 왕성한 교육의 힘으로 가능하다 할 수 있다. 우리의 도자문화 역시 이러한 의미에서 교육의 중요성을 다시금 확인하고 재정비가 필요하다. 문화로 자리매김을 하기 위해서는 무엇보다도 교육의 힘이 크게 작용한다. 문화가 공급하는 자와 수요자와의 감정의 공유가 있어야 가능한 것임을 감안해 보더라도 수요자가 제대로 읽어내지 못한다면 문화의 형성은 불가능하기 때문이다. 본 연구는 이러한 관점에서 문화로서의 교육의 중요성을 실감하고 현재 우리나라에서 도자공예 교육의 실태와 그 활성화 방향을 제시하고자 한다. Culture of Latin cultura culture derived from a translation of the original meaning of words was farming and cultivation, culture, art and later became the will of. British anthropologist E. B. Tyler book "primitive cultures, Primitive Culture" (1871) Culture in the "knowledge. Beliefs Arts. Morality. Law. Practices, including as a member of human society acquired the totality of skills or habits," he gave the definition. Culture can be seen in the human reason, of the form of action, not genetic thing by playing by learning to learn from the community and received the whole thing says. Thus, the prevalence of active cultural power of vigorous training is possible can. In this sense, our ceramic culture also reaffirming the importance of education and the reorganization is needed. Culture and what it takes to become a force larger than the act of teaching. Who supply the consumer with the culture and the sharing of feelings that can be read properly considering the skater to the consumer unless the formation of culture is impossible. In this regard, this study realized the importance of education and culture, as the current situation in our country and the activation of ceramic craft education is to provide.

Abstract: Chinese primitive philosophy, as the unity of cosmological ontology, epistemology and methodology of the Chinese philosophical system, is a complete and mature philosophical system formed in the late primitive society as early as before the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties. It is also the unity of the concept of Yin and Yang and constant life that is sublimated from the human-beings’ basic cultural consciousness: life consciousness and reproduction consciousness. The Chinese primitive culture, from the painted pottery culture 7,000 years ago to today, from the underground archaeological culture to the group culture on the ground, is a plastic art based on the concept of viewing objects and taking images. It is a broad concept of fine arts that determines the philosophical view, artistic view, emotional temperament, psychological quality and national spirit of the Chinese nation. The most primitive culture and primitive philosophy in China have been preserved with extremely rich and complete historical remains in the group’s cultural and social life. It is for this reason that China is the only country with an ancient history of civilization that has not experienced a cultural break. The primitive culture and philosophical system of China, as the philosophical basis and main connotation of ethnic group culture, are completely accumulated in the ethnic groups’ social life. Folk art, which has accumulated the hundreds of millions of working masses’ wisdom in China, is the mother of the Chinese national culture and art that has been inherited from primitive society until today with distinct national and regional characteristics. It is a long-standing cultural form with the longest history, the widest mass participation, the most distinct regional characteristics and the richest cultural connotation in the Chinese national cultural form. The rapid development of the times makes the traditional folk customs and folk arts, which are generally deposited in the rural areas of China, become precarious. As a result, the research advantages of the unique human culture and the original culture of China will cease to exist. Therefore, it is an urgent historical task to make use of this advantage to study the original culture of China and the philosophical genes of the Chinese nation. Protection is imminent, and inheritance is the historical mission, which highlights the deeper significance of studying primitive culture and primitive philosophy in modern society.

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Jonathan Watts (Tokyo), Kamal Ahmed, and Chris Mihill, “Cartoon Causes Fits in Young Viewers,” Guardian, December 18, 1997, 1. 2. Sheryl WuDunn, “TV Cartoon's Flashes Send 700 Japanese Into Seizures,” New York Times, December 18, 1997, http://www.nytimes.com/1997/12/18/world/tv-cartoon-s-flashes-send-700-japanese-into-seizures.html?pagewanted = all&src = pm. See also “‘Pocket Monsters’ Shock TV Viewers into Convulsions,” Japan Times, December 17, 1997, http://www.japantimes.co.jp/text/nn19971217a9.html; and J. Snyder, “Cartoon Sickens Children”; and “Monster TV Cartoon Mystifies Japan,” Reuters Reports on ABC News, December 17, 1997. 3. For a comprehensive account of the physiological and cultural effects of the Pokémon episode, see Benjamin Radford and Robert E. Bartholomew, “Pokémon Contagion: Photosensitive Epilepsy or Mass Psychogenic Illness?” Southern Medical Journal 94, no. 2 (2001): 197–204. 4. “Denno Senshi Porygon” (“Computer Warrior Porygon”) Pokémon, season 1, episode 38, aired December 16, 1997. The sequence of flashes that triggered the mishap happened 20 minutes into the program. 5. Umberto Eco, “The Wolf and the Lamb: The Rhetoric of Oppression,” in Turning Back the Clock: Hot Wars and Media Populism, trans. Alastair McEwan (Orlando, FL: Harvest Books, 2008), 56–7; and Joseph Tobin, ed., Pikachu's Global Adventure: The Rise and Fall of Pokémon (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004). 6. Watts, Ahmed, and Mihill, “Cartoon Causes Fits in Young Viewers,” 1, my emphasis. 7. Watts, Ahmed, and Mihill, “Cartoon Causes Fits in Young Viewers,” 1, my emphasis. 8. From George Grote, History of Greece, in Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom, vol. 1, (London: John Murray, 1903), 286. 9. From George Grote, History of Greece, in Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom, vol. 1, (London: John Murray, 1903), 286. 10. Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. 1, 477. 11. Aby Warburg, Ae.[sthetik], Warburg Institute Archive, Zettelkasten (unnumbered); and “Grundlegende Bruchstücke zu einer monistischen Kunstpsychologie,” Warburg Institute Archive III.43, 1–3. See also Horst Bredekamp, “Du lebst und thust mir nichts: Anmerkungen zur Aktualität Aby Warburgs,” in Aby Warburg: Akten des internationalen Symposions Hamburg 1990, ed. Horst Bredekamp, Michael Diers, Charlotte Schoell-Glass, Andreas Beyer, et al (Weinheim: Acta Humaniora, 1991), 1–7. 12. Ernst Gombrich, Aby Warburg: An Intellectual Biography (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1986), 71. 13. On the role of empathy theory in Warburg's early work, see Matthew Rampley, “From Symbol to Allegory, Aby Warburg's Theory of Art,” Art Bulletin 79, no. 1 (1997): 41–55. 14. In one of his aesthetic aphorisms written on September 14, 1890, Warburg noted: “Two periods can be distinguished in man's perception of objects: 1. Anything alive is assumed to be hostile (Alles Lebende wird als feindlich angenommen) and capable of movement and pursuit, so that a position is taken up accordingly[;] 2. Anything alive is examined for the limitation of its movement, law, force. It turns out that man is not only a beast of prey but also a slothful creature.” Warburg, “Grundlegende Bruchstücke,” 39–40. Also cited in Gombrich, Aby Warburg, 76. 15. For a theoretical analysis of desire attributed to images, see W. J. T. Mitchell, What Do Pictures Want? The Lives and Loves of Images (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2005). For a collection of essays on the artwork as a “living being,” see Ulrich Pfisterer and Anja Zimmermann, ed., Animationen/Transgressionen: Das Kunstwerk als Lebewesen (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2005). On image and speech action, see Horst Bredekamp, Theories des Bildakts (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2010). 16. Warburg, “Grundlegende Bruchstücke,” 1. 17. For a different view of this polarity, see T. J. Clark, The Sight of Death: An Experiment in Art Writing (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 235–6. Additional informationNotes on contributorsSpyros PapapetrosSpyros Papapetros is Associate Professor in the School of Architecture and the Program in Media and Modernity at Princeton University. This article draws from the introduction to my book On the Animation of the Inorganic: Art, Architecture, and the Extension of Life (University of Chicago Press, 2012). Parts of this research have been presented at conferences organized in conjunction with the exhibition Animismus (Animism), curated by Anselm Franke at the Generali Foundation in Vienna, Haus der Kulturen der Welt in Berlin, and E-flux in New York during 2011 and 2012

There is great diversity among cultures in the way children are reared and treated as they grow up. In many cultures there is a strict taboo prohibiting any contact or communication between brother and sister, so as to avoid incest. In some cultures mothers tend to hold their children away from them, avoid eye contact, and generally minimize emotional responses of their infants. In other cultures people avoid punishing children for fear that their sensitive little souls may leave them and they will die, whereas in some cultures even young children are severely punished if they cry too much. It is not uncommon for parents to arrange marriages while their children are still very young. Among the Druze people, it is believed that the soul of the deceased reincarnates into a newborn baby almost immediately. Among the Beng people, infants are thought to be capable of understanding all languages spoken to them. Until recent times, in primitive cultures it was the custom to sacrifice the first-born child of a family. This seems to have been a kind of sympathetic magic in which the parents offered their firstborn in exchange for favors bestowed by the gods. Among the Berawan people it is the custom for parents to give up their babies for adoption if certain bad omens occur during the mother’s pregnancy. The custom of couvade still exists in many parts of the world, whereby the father of a newborn child must lie in bed for at least a month, with the child by his side, while the mother carries on her usual activities.

As a first step in retooling the concept religion, to make of it a term that might be of use in talking about the world of human actions, we consider what might be the most common approach to defining anything, let alone religion: essentialism, or the approach that assumes an enduring identity, core, substance, or, simply put, essence lurks deep within objects, making them what we say they are. A notable early attempt to develop a technical – rather than relying on a common or folk – definition of religion as a universal human feature was that of the nineteenth-century anthropologist, Edward Burnett Tylor (1832–1917) in his influential book, Primitive Culture (1871, 2 vols.; reprinted today as Religion in Primitive Culture ). A ‘rudimentary definition of religion’, he wrote, ‘seems best to fall back at once on this essential source…belief in Spiritual Beings’. In this classic, minimalist definition we see the still common emphasis on religion as a private, intellectual activity (that is, religion equals believing in this or that, as if it is all about what goes on between your two ears) rather than an emphasis on, for example, the behavioral or the social components, as in Emile Durkheim 's (1858–1917) emphasis on public ritual and social institution in his still influential sociological study, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912).

Acute schizophrenic behaviors in our culture and shaman inspiration‐gathering behaviors of certain primitive cultures are considered in terms of several core psychological factors. Significant differences between acute schizophrenics and shamans are not found in the sequence of underlying psychological events that define their abnormal experiences. One major difference is emphasized—a difference in the degree of cultural acceptance of a unique resolution of a basic life crisis. In primitive cultures in which such a unique life crisis resolution is tolerated, the abnormal experience (shamanism) is typically beneficial to the individual, cognitively and affectively; he is regarded as one with expanded consciousness. In a culture that does not provide referential guides for comprehending this kind of crisis experience, the individual (schizophrenic) typically undergoes an intensification of his suffering over and above his original anxieties.

The evil eye is a widespread belief in the world, and is thought to be associated with a human propensity towards envy. The objects of envy in primitive cultures are mainly crops, food, livestock, children, and good health. In evil eye cultures people tend to keep a watchful eye on one another. The evil eye takes into account the ability of an onlooker to project psychic energy through the eyes. The evil eye causes the victim to be helpless-dominated, gripped by an overpowering occult power. Often infliction of the evil eye is unintentional and unconscious; it occurs during a moment of coveting something belonging to another. Evil eye cultures are those in which people regard goods to be limited, so that if one person possesses more than others, it is thought to have been obtained at everyone else’s expense. People in these cultures are wary of compliments, as these can be disguised expressions of envy, and hence occasions for infliction of the evil eye. In many cultures where there is scarcity of food, people will conceal food or try and conceal a prosperous harvest from the gaze of others so as to avoid the problem of envy. Envy is widespread in modern society, but is almost a taboo topic, and one will rarely admit to it. Throughout the world people use talismans, charms, religious symbols and other devices to ward off the evil eye-wearing them, putting them on doorposts, on automobile rearview mirrors. In some cultures there is a high incidence of paranoia-with people fearing that others might poison them, for instance, or that malice is the source of every ailment or misfortune; in Western cultures paranoia takes expression in conspiracy theories and the belief that semi-secret groups control the economy of the world.

IN his excursions into the byways of archæology and primitive culture Mr. Baring-Gould is always interesting and instructive, and in his present book, dealing with the cave-dwelling troglodytes and the cliff castles of Europe, he has found a subject hitherto little explored and well suited to his powers. The moral of the book, though it is nowhere clearly defined, is the essential unity of human culture, man always adapting to his use the material which his environment supplies.

Primitive cultures have a striking relationship with animals, and remarkable rituals associated with hunting. Animals not only provide meat, but also hides and fur, and bones for fashioning into artifacts and ceremonial objects. Two broad areas of hunting rituals are one pertaining to “bribing” or coaxing animals to present themselves to the hunters; and the other involves appeasing the spirits of the animals once they have been slain. When animals are hunted, they are usually treated in a distinctive, reverent manner, partly to propitiate the ghosts of the animals, so as not to be harmed by them. Many cultures also show great respect to plants grown for food: In Papua New Guinea, for example, yams, a major food staple, are carefully attended to, and people talk to a yam as if it were human. The practice of reciting magical spells on traps, in order to attract game, is practiced in many cultures. In numerous cultures, ceremonies take place in preparation for the whaling season, including ceremonial launching of the boats, singing of whaling songs, donning of new clothes, and performing a ritual of “spearing” the woman whom they designated to represent a whale. Bears seem to be more venerated than any other hunted animal in the world. Elaborate ceremonies surround bear hunting. Bears have high intelligence, they walk in a human-like manner, they sit down against a tree with their paws, like arms, at their sides and perhaps one leg drawn up under their body. They exhibit a wide range of emotions that are very humanlike. The Nivkh people celebrate the Bear Festival, which involves a ritual sacrifice of a bear to was to commemorate deceased ancestors, or on special occasions. In the disposal of the bear’s remains, there is great respect accorded the bones, which are ceremoniously and carefully buried intact in proper position. The Motu in Papua New Guinea treat tuna with great reverence, and have elaborate preparations for the fishing season, including fasting, ritual bathing, singing, and dancing. They bless the fish before killing them. If a tuna is accidentally knocked against the side of the canoe, the fisherman must go down on his knees and kiss the fish; otherwise no more will enter the nets that day. Cattle and other livestock are treated with reverence in India, Northeast Africa, and other regions. Native Americans in the North Pacific have revitalized the First Salmon Ceremony, an aboriginal “first fruits” ritual, involving elaborate preparation and ceremonies to welcome the salmon. Protocols carefully prescribe the manner of fishing, cooking, eating, and disposal of fish bones. Reindeer breeders in Siberia practice a communal reindeer sacrifice in order to insure food, happiness, health and prosperity.

Primitive Culture as a Whole

Journal Article REVIEWS OF BOOKS Get access Music in Primitive Culture. By Bruno Nettl. pp. 184 + 17 of musical examples. ( Harvard University Press: Oxford University Press, 1956, 40s.) P.C.-H. P.C.-H. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Music and Letters, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 3, July 1957, Pages 282-b–284, https://doi.org/10.1093/ml/XXXVIII.3.282-b Published: 01 July 1957

It is convenient to divide types of explanation of religion into psychological and sociological theories and the former again into intellectualist and emotionalist theories. Intellectualist psychological theories see religion as the product of the human tendency to seek to understand the world and of human reason and capacity to deduce, generalise and draw conclusions from observation and experience. The intellectualist approach was one of the earliest to be formulated and, reflecting the intellectual trends of the time, namely the nineteenth century, took a strongly evolutionary character. The most important intellectualist thinkers were Auguste Comte, Herbert Spencer, Sir Edward Tylor and Sir James Frazer. Spencer’s ideas on the origins and roots of religion were set out in his monumental Principles of Sociology published between 1876 and 1896. Tylor’s theories of the origins of religion appeared in his general study of primitive society, Primitive Culture, published in 1871, of which they form a considerable part.

IF THE QUESTION of religious origins is a scientific question at all, it would seem to belong to the theoretical sociologist rather than to the historian, the archaeologist, or 'the anthropologist. The historian's documentary and monumental evidence does not go back far enough to reveal the first signs of a human interest that is by common consent very old indeed. The archaeologist retraces the course of religious evolution somewhat farther, but even for him the earliest data, whether in the form of artifacts, cave-paintings, or mortuary practices, show religion as already well established. The student of primitive contemporaries realizes now that, after all, the cultures he investigates are as far removed in time from any starting-point which may be posited as other cultures more advanced. For some while it was thought that the anthropologist had the answer. Did he not deal with the simplest cultures known? Was it not fair to assume that the Andaman Islanders or Tasmanians or Australians or some other group were still standing on the lowest conceivable levels of human nature and culture, fixated right where their more progressive cousins began their ascent? Spencer refused to yield this logical ground of his evolutionary scheme and was condescending when he wrote: to assert 'that the human type has been evolved from lower types, and then to deny that the superior human races have been evolved, mentally as well as physically, from the inferior, and must once have had those general conceptions which the inferior still have, is a marvellous inconsistency. Even in the absence of evidence it would be startling; and in the presence of contrary evidence it is extremely startling.' The notion that all cultures have passed through the same stages was axiomatic with Comte and Spencer and is a tacit assumption in many more recent writings. It dies hard, even with those who lampoon it. But it ought to be laid away entirely. The socalled primitives have been evolving as long as anybody else. Some aspects of certain primitive cultures are by no means simple. Consider the eligibility rules for marriage among the Arunta or the ceremonialism of some of our American Indians. Compared with the religious life of the little brown church in the vale, many primitive religions seem highly evolved and complex. And this is precisely what would be expected where people have made the religious interest a primary one for a long period of time. The anthropologist has made his contribution, to be sure, to the understanding of religious change. He has expanded the range of comparative data and made them available for checking the validity of inclusive cross-cultural sociological generalizations.2 This is no mean service, but it does not disclose the beginnings of religion in human life. must agree with Andrew Lang who said, nearly a half-century ago: We have thus, in short, no opportunity of observing, historically, man's development from blank unbelief into even the minimum or most rudimentary form of belief. can only theorize and make more or less plausible conjectures as to the first rudiments of human faith in God and in spiritual beings. find no race whose mind, as to faith, is a tabula rasa.3

Uric acid, evolution and primitive cultures

Chapter 5 - Wildlife habitat relationships