A Definition of Sociology Derived from Titles of Courses

HIS paper is concerned with a little explored area of social theory: the structural strains and supports between a contained and the larger society of which it is a part and on which it is dependent. Presumably, the body of theory used for analyzing a must be translated, qualified, or changed when that exists within a larger society. Examples of such communities are fraternal orders such as the Masons, secret or extreme political parties, ethic islands whether rural or urban, organized political or economic interest groups, or a specific profession such as medicine.' From a broad inquiry into such structural relations between the contained and the larger one, it may later be possible to derive important hypotheses about the forces that maintain both of them. studied is the professional community, which is different in important respects from the other examples.2 Only two sets of links have been chosen for exploration: (1) socialization and social control, and (2) client choice or evaluation of the professional. Characteristic of each of the established professions, and a goal of each aspiring occupation, is the community of profession. Each profession is a without physical locus and, like other communities with heavy in-migration, one whose founding fathers are linked only rarely by blood with the present generation. It may nevertheless be called a by virtue of these characteristics: (1) Its members are bound by a sense of identity. (2) Once in it, few leave, so that it is a terminal or continuing status for the most part.3 (3) Its members share values in common. (4) Its role definitions vis-a-vis both members and non-members are agreed upon and are the same for all members. (5) Within the areas of communal action there is a common language, which is understood only partially by outsiders. (6) Community has power over its members. ( 7) Its limits are reasonably clear, though they are not physical and geographical, but social. (8) Though it does not produce the next generation biologically, it does so socially through its control over the selection of professional trainees, and through its training processes it sends these recruits through an adult socialization process. Of course, professions vary in the degree to which they are communities, and it is not novel to view them as such.4 * Paper read at the annual meeting of the Eastern Sociological March, 1956. Morris Zelditch has given various helpful comments to the author. 1 See, for example, Georg Simmel, The Secret and the Secret Society, in Sociology of Georg Simmel, translated by Kurt Wolff, Glencoe: Free Press, 1950, pp. 307-379; William F. Whyte, Street Corner Chicago: University of Chicago, 1943; Louis Kriesberg, National Security and Conduct in the Steel Gray Market, Social Forces, 34 (March, 1956), pp. 268-277, and Customer versus Colleague Ties Among Retail Furriers, Journal of Retailing, 29-30 (Winter, 1954-5), pp. 173-176; Executive Life, ed. Fortune, Garden City: Doubleday, 1956; Allan W. Eister, The Oxford Group Movement, Sociology and Social Research, 34 (November, 1949); David Riesman, Some Informal Notes on American Churches and Sects, Confluence, 4 (July, 1955), pp. 127-159; Paula Brown, Bureaucracy in a Government Laboratory, Institute of Industrial Relations Reprint No. 36, Los Angeles: University of California, 1954; etc. 2 Other areas are analyzed in William J. Goode, Robert K. Merton, and Mary Jean Huntington, Professions in Modern New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1957 (in press). 3 But see the qualifications stated by Albert J. Reiss, Occupational Mobility of Professional Workers, American Sociological Review, 20 (December, 1955), pp. 693-700. 4 See the extended discussion of Discipline, p. 394 ff. in A. M. Carr-Saunders and P. A. Wilson, Professions, Oxford: Clarendon, 1933; Morris L. Cogan, Toward a Definition of Harvard Educational Review, 23 (Winter, 1953), p. 35; Roscoe Pound, Lawyer from Antiquity to Modern Times, St. Paul: West, 1953, pp. 4-10; Abraham Flexner, Is Social Work a Profession? School and 1 (1915), pp. 901-911; Louis D. Brandeis, Business-A Profession, Boston: Small,

Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) is increasingly establishing itself as a method in social research. QCA is a set-theoretic, truth-table-based method that identifies complex combinations of conditions (configurations) that are necessary and/or sufficient for an outcome. An advantage of QCA is that it models the complexity of social phenomena by accounting for conjunctural, asymmetric, and equifinal patterns. Accordingly, the method does not assume isolated net effects of single variables but recognizes that the effect of a single condition (that is, an explanatory factor) often unfolds only in combination with other conditions. Moreover, QCA acknowledges that the occurrence of a phenomenon can have a different explanation from its non-occurrence. Finally, QCA allows for different, mutually non-exclusive explanations of the same phenomenon. QCA is not only a technique; there is a diversity of approaches to how it can be implemented before, during and after the “technical moment,” depending on the analytic goals related to contributing to theory, engaging with cases, and the approach to explanation. Particularly since 2012, an increasing number of scholars have turned to using QCA to investigate public administrations. Even though the boundaries of Public Administration (PA) as an academic discipline are difficult to determine, it can be defined as an intellectual forum for those who want to understand both public administrations as organizations and their relationships to political, economic, and societal actors—especially in the adoption and implementation of public policies. Owing to its fragmented nature, there has been a long-lasting debate about the methodological sophistication and appropriateness of different comparative methods. In particular, the high complexity and strong context dependencies of causal patterns challenge theory-building and empirical analysis in Public Administration. Moreover, administrative settings are often characterized by relatively low numbers of cases for comparison, as well as strongly multilevel empirical settings. QCA as a technique allows for context-sensitive analyses that take into account this complexity. Against this background, it is not surprising that applications of QCA have become more widespread among scholars of Public Administration. A systematic review of articles using QCA published in the major Public Administration journals shows that the use of QCA started in mid-2000s and then grew exponentially. The review shows that, especially in two thematic areas, QCA has high analytical value and may (alongside traditional methodological approaches) help improve theories and methods of PA. The first area is the study of organizational decision-making and the role of bureaucrats during the adoption and implementation of public policies and service delivery. The second area where QCA has great merits is in explaining different features of public organizations. Especially in evaluation research where the aim is to investigate performance of various kinds (especially effectiveness in terms of both policy and management), QCA is a useful analytical tool to model these highly context-dependent relationships. The QCA method is constantly evolving. The development of good practices for different QCA approaches as well as several methodological innovations and software improvements increases its potential benefits for the future of Public Administration research.

This dissertation aims to investigate the development of research on Attention Deficit-Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) in the organicist dimension of mental illness of psychiatry in Brazil, with the methodological approach of the Social Studies of Science and Technology (SSST), specifically the theoretical contribution of the social construction of illness. The objective of the study is to investigate historically and sociologically how the disorder came to be investigating with biological causes by Brazilian psychiatric practices. To identify the historical by which the boundaries of the disorder has a biological basis, a historical survey is done to resume the main research traditions of organicist shed of mental illness of Psychiatry in Brazil. Another historical survey seeks to identify the social contingences from the biological knowledge of ADHD. The proposal to investigate both historiographies is to analyses which social actors mobilized technical and scientific knowledge from neurology and biology to its current classification in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders -DSM-IV/RT and the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-10). Then an investigation is carried out on the basis of scientific articles collected in SCIELO to identify the main social actors, the technical and scientific knowledge that are mobilized to investigate the ADHD, between 2007 and 2012, in Brazil. It was possible to verify, in most of the articles, that the knowledge of the pathology is done by researchers from the fields of Psychiatry and Neuroscience, which uses techniques based on neuroscientific paradigms for mental illness researches. It is interpreted that the neurological knowledge of the disorder, in turn, licenses the medical-psychiatric practices to treat certain social phenomenon as medical problems, under a social control of the individuals with the disorder treated as "abnormal" to get them back into their "normal" condition. It is proposed as an analysis that methylphenidate, the main drug therapy to the pathology, is a form of social control by Brazilian Psychiatry when they define the behaviors as ADHD. It also appeared that the studies are funded by pharmaceutical companies, the hegemonic social actor in the production of the scientific knowledge of ADHD. The relationship by the pharmaceutical industry and the scientific production is a way of legitimizing the administration of psychotropic drug methylphenidate as primary therapy in the treatment of the disorder. Thus, the relationship between industry and disease is a social phenomenon in which science has leading role in gauging the categories that can be considered disease.

The origins of criminology as a separate and independent field of scientific research are usually linked to the emergence of the so called positive school of criminology in the second half of the nineteenth century and with the name of its leading representative Cesare Lombroso. Undoubtedly since that time criminological thought went through a long and substantial evolution which produced a variety of new concepts and theories. As a result of this one could assume that contemporary criminology has very little in common with the ideas of its founders. Despite this, there is growing conviction in the literature that the heritage of Lombroso and Italian positivism still influences significantly contemporary criminological theory. Of course, the essence of this influence lies not in the details of Lombroso’s anthropological ideas which were proven wrong long ago, but in certain quetions asked by him and his school and methods adopted to answer them. Those questions and methods were strictly connected with and resulted from the particular ideas about human society and social world, as well as with the ideas regarding the role, functions and methods of scientific research which prevailed in the social sciences in the second half of the previous century which are commonly referred to as positivism. It justifies the designation as positivist criminology of almost all criminological thought and research since the times of Lombroso up to the late 1950’s. Positivist criminology is ditinguished first of all by its naturalism, e.g. an assumption that all methodological principles developed in sciences apply equally to social sciences which do not possess any substantial methodical peculiarities. It means also that the main task of scientific research is to discover and formulate causal laws and the assumption of objectivity and value neutrality of science and the scientist. The basic question of such criminology based on the deterministic concept of social world and human behaviour was an etiological one: why do certain people commit crimes while others don’t? It means that the main task of positivist criminology is the search for the causes of crime. Another important feature of positivist criminology is the consensual model of the social order it usually assumes. Such a model implies that the entire social order and the very existence of human society result from the sharing of certain values and norms by the large majority of the members of such society. According to this view, also, criminal law represents an example of such consensus and its norms are subject to widespread acceptance. Criminals represent some unique category of misfits or outsiders somehow different from all other „normal” people, a category which refuses to submit to social consensus. A final result of this way of thinking leads to the conclusion that the explanation of a crime and finding its causes requires concentration on the individual who behaves criminally. Because of this, positivist criminology is a science having as its subject the criminal and his behaviour. Pure accumulation of knowledge was never the sole purpose of criminological research. Positivist criminology tried always to be also an applied science, providing scientific grounds for lawmaking and law enforcement. Results of criminological research, data about the criminal and his behaviour should help to change him: rehabilitate, resocialize, correct or heal. In other words, the main purpose of positivist criminology was to provide scientific methods of bringing known misfits and outsiders back the social consensus they left. This feature of positivist criminology is usually referred to in literature as correctionalism. The above reconstruction of the main features of positivist criminology probably corresponds better to European criminology, which was in fact for many years dominated by the ,,lombrosian myth”. One can doubt however whether American criminology may also be described in such terms. The problem is that, because of its clear sociological orientation, American criminology is regarded rather as a heritage of A. Quetelet, A. Guerry or E. Durkheim and not of Lombroso. Usually it perceived crime as a social phenomenon and not as an individual pathology. But it is equally true that such classical American theories of crime causation as the differential association theory or anomie theory focus their attention on the individual criminal as well. What distinguishes those theories from the European tradition is the conviction that the criminal and his special features are products of an environment. However, in both cases criminals are treated as somehow a different kind of people. All this has important practical implications. The individual approach to crime casuation implies that the proper aim of any correctional influences is the criminal himself. The sociological approach claims that there is also no sense in correcting or changing the criminal unless we do something about the environment which produced him. The natural consequence of such an approach is the preference for social reform and social policy over criminal law as instruments of fighting the crime problem. The former is assigned only a secondary role. This is probably one of the main reasons for a certain uneasiness and mistrust towards the sociological approach which may be observed criminologists with a legal background; it is considered too abstract and detached from the everyday problems of the criminal justice system as well as too difficult and complicated to implement. Two new criminological currents emerged during last thirty years which remain in opposition towards positivism. The first one, called antinaturalistic criminology, was born during the sixties. It rejected the positivist concept of social science, asked new and different questions and tried to answer them using different methods. The decisive role in launching this new approach was played by the labelling approach, Its main contribution constituted rejection of the old etiological question and its substitution with the „reactive” one, a question regarding origins and development of the societal reaction to criminal or dewiant behaviour. This meant also an abandonment of positivist methodology of searching for casual laws and a turn towards the methods of humanistic sociology, including understanding, empathy and other similar qualitative methods. According to this trend the main task of the criminological enterprise is to create a sociology law and other forms of social control. Antinaturalistic criminology also adopted an unequivocally pluralistic model of society. Crime and deviance ceased to be perceived as something necessarily pathological. Instead, an attempt was undertaken to treat those phenomena as the result of natural diversity of human beings. To support this stance the labelling approach provided a variety of research on deviant subcultures conducted from what may be called ,,ethnographic positions”, which also denounced the negative effects of punitive social control. The final result was growing scepticism towards the agencies of official social control and such ideas as for example radical nonintervention. The next development can be attributed to radical and critical criminology. These trends assume that social conflict is the main feature of social order and try to understand criminal law and the criminal justice system as the result and manifestation of such conflict. This means that criminalisation processes, e.g. lawmaking and law enforcement, should be explained primarily in terms of political and economic power. Certain groups, because of their access to power, are able to enforce their own values and norms against the will of other groups which may not share them. All this means an unequivocally negative evaluation of the mechanism of social control in contemporary societies which are considered oppressive and unjust. An alternative vision of the society is proposed, a society where facts of human diversity are not subject to the power to criminalize. The way such vision should be implemented are very different and may be placed on the broad continuum from the orthodox Marxism-Leninism and belief in ideal socialism to the humanistic utopias of contemporary abolitionists. Such visions are accompanied by very strong opposition to traditional, mainstream criminology which is accused of being totally and uncritically apologetic and subservient towards the state and institutions of power. According to this view, positivist criminology under the disguise of scientific neutrality and objectivity, in fact legitimizes the existing political and moral order and serves the interests of the privileged groups in society. As a result a new attitude of moral and political commitment is proposed. Science, according to these postulates should be definitely partisan. Such an attitude should break the monopoly of positivist criminology in creating social consciousness about crime and deviance and show the broad audience that alternative are possible. In sum, one can say that the main subject of interest for traditional, positivist criminology constituted always the criminal and that the main problem was to root out his criminal propensities. For antinaturalistic criminology the main problem is the system of social control which requires fundamental change. During the seventies another criminological current emerged, known as neoclassicism, which criticized traditional, positivist criminology from quite different angles. This current, which remains primarily an American phenomenon, constitutes, first of all, opposition against the traditional, in the United States, domination of the sociological approach to the crime problem. Representatives of neoclassical criminology are troubled first of all by the above mentioned unclear practical implications of these theories for the criminal justice system. They are, namely, very difficult to translate into the language of policy actions. Moreover, proposed remedies against crime usually remain beyond the reach of traditional measures which the criminal justice system has at its disposal. As a result the turn towards the tradition of the European classical school of criminal law is proposed and enriched by recent achievements of behavioristic psychology and the economic theory of bohaviour. The essence of this approach constitutes the concept of free will and the assumption that criminals are quite normal human individuals making only false decisions. The fact that human behaviour is always guided by the desire to maximize gains and minimize loses makes this behaviour susceptible to external manipulation. The easiest way to influence human decisions is to create a high enough barrier of costs which should eliminate undesired decisions. Criminal law should play a key role in creating such a barrier and preventing criminal behaviour. Moreover, the barrier of costs provided by criminal law constitutes practically the only factor easily accessible to manipulation by any democratic and liberal government. Other ways of influencing crime rates are usually too costly or too difficult to implement. The basic task of criminology is to provide the necessary empirical data on the functioning of criminal law and the criminal justice system, which should be than used to formulate the most effective policies. All three criminological currents discussed above were usually treated as mutually exclusive and competitive paradigms. Today, when the heat of the discussions of the sixties and seventies diminished, there is a good chance to have a less emotional analysis of recent developments in criminology. Probably it will be possible now to come to the conclusion that the emergence during last 150 years of the three distinct paradigms in theoretical criminology may be comprehended not only in terms of consecutive scientific revolutions. Probably it may be also interpreted as the evolutionary process of the cumulation of knowledge about crime. During this process points of view and focuses’ changed as every paradigm considered different aspects of criminal phenomena as being most important and worth of researching. But all three may be considered, at least to a certain extent, complementary ones.

Reviewed by: Aggiornamento on the Hill of Janus: The American College in Rome, 1955–1979 by Stephen M. DiGiovanni Gregory J. Fairbanks Aggiornamento on the Hill of Janus: The American College in Rome, 1955–1979. By Stephen M. DiGiovanni. Downers Grove, IL: Midwest Theological Forum, 2016. 694 pp. $35.00. Stephen DiGiovanni's history of the Pontifical North American College (NAC) from 1955 to 1979 is his second volume. The first was the Second Founder: Bishop Martin J. O'Connor and the Pontifical North American College (2013). That book covers the preceding period, including the building of a new seminary campus, which opened on the Janiculum Hill in 1953. Seminaries at this time were semi-monastic with a disciplined daily schedule. Attire was the cassock, which was worn in and outside the college. The emphasis was on structure and obedience. There were bells to summon seminarians for each activity, and much of the training was provided by older seminarians who took on the rolls of mentors and enforcers of the all-important [End Page 91] Seminary Rule. Summers would be at the NAC's summer villa on the outskirts of Rome, the Villa Santa Caterina in Castel Gandolfo. Summers included classes and a regular Mass and devotion schedule, although the pace was relaxed from the academic year (students rose at 6:00 a.m. vs 5:30 a.m. during the academic year). As the new seminary opened there was one spiritual director for all the students. This soon became two, and although personal spiritual directors were not yet the norm, changes were leading that way. Confessors were available daily and students began to meet with the spiritual directors 2 to 3 times per semester. Education was typical Roman style, large aulae (classrooms), classes in Latin five days a week (off Thursdays and Sundays). The college had a system of repetitors to assist students and give English language class synopses for study. The NAC had ample opportunities for activities, including a large sports field and a theater for showing films and performing shows. New seminary traditions grew up with these facilities, including the still-current annual "Spaghetti Bowl," a new-men versus upperclassmen football game held each Thanksgiving weekend. Pope John XXIII announced in 1959 his intention to call a synod of the Diocese of Rome, and an Ecumenical Council, and to revise the Code of Canon Law. The Roman synod highlighted the challenges in Rome, which had experienced large growth in population and was in desperate need of new parishes to fulfill the needs of the diocese. The Roman synod was enthusiastically followed by the seminarians who witnessed poverty in Rome. Seminarians and student priests were men of their age and wanted to serve. The issue at stake was the conflict between the desire of the seminarians to engage quickly in ministry and the need to develop patterns of prayer, discipline, and study for their ministry. Impatience with waiting was a sign of the idealistic age and would characterize the struggles during these years. In 1964 the eighteen-year term of the rector, Bishop O'Connor, ended and he was succeeded by Bishop Francis Reh. Those years (1964–1968) were turbulent. The liturgical reforms, including the interpretation of the spirit behind them, pitted the haste of many students in contrast to the slow approach the college preferred. The introduction of the vernacular at Mass was welcomed by seminarians, although many wanted the transition to be faster. Since the new liturgical books were years away, students began inserting unauthorized translations and musical settings into the Mass. Despite concelebrated Masses becoming more common, student priests frequently preferred to attend Mass rather than concelebrate. The [End Page 92] theology of concelebration was not yet fleshed out and questions about participation in Mass, and the identity of a priest, were debated. The seminarians were excited to be part of the new theology and closely followed the Council. The infamous "Black Week" of November, 1964 hammered home to the seminarians that authority figures might not be trusted.1 Morale declined at the seminary and small acts of rebellion began to take place. During Reh's years the students grew more independent and self-reliant...

In this thesis I describe and analyze the development of teacher education in Albania from the 1830s, known as the <i>Rilindja Kombëtare Shqiptare</i>* (National Awakening) period, all the way to the present This focus is highlighted against the general background of Albanian politics and education as a whole. I investigate the historical, social and political factors influencing the development of teacher education, its structure, changes in the teacher education curriculum to respond to the changing political contexts, as well as changes of the status of teachers in different periods. <br><br>I show that education, status and supply of teachers is a very useful litmus paper issue which reflects almost every tension and problem besetting the Albanian state over the past century or more such as its economic poverty, its cultural and political marginality, its problems of geographical, religious and linguistic division, its uncertain borders and exposure to foreign exploitation. My ambition and determination is to place Albania within a powerful west European tradition. <br><br>The thesis is divided into three sections; The <i>first section</i> examines the literature relating to developments in teacher education in other countries as well as the underpinning issues. I introduce six guiding concepts developed from the literature with regard to: <br><br> <i>Firstly</i>, the development of teacher education in Albania influenced by the changing nature of the political and social control and influence, <i>secondly</i>, the importance of social, economic and political factors in forming societal perceptions of teacher status, <i>thirdly</i>, the evolution of teacher education, <i>fourthly</i>, the emergence of pre-communist ideas once the political control and influence loosened, <i>fifthly</i>, the influence of global developments on the content of teacher education, <i>sixthly</i>, the involvement of a wider number of interest groups in debates around the nature and quality of teacher education. <br><br> <i>The second section</i> describes the development of teacher education in Albania from the period of the <i>Rilindja Kombëtare Shqiptare</i> (1830) to the present. I examine these developments as they relate to the historical and political developments at a given period. Reference is made with regard to important individuals who exercised their influence on developments on teacher education. I also point to the breaks and ruptures that take place due to the political and historical factors. This section also considers the increasing public expectations of teacher education. <br><br><i>In the third section</i> I return to the six original guiding concepts and discuss the key findings in relation to the importance of historical, political social and economic factors that have influenced the development of teacher education in Albania; the stages of these developments and their nature; the social perceptions of teacher education and teacher status; the development of teacher education in Albania versus global developments and public expectations about the quality and nature of teacher education. Finally I provide conclusions drawn from the analysis. <br><br>The thesis makes an important contribution to knowledge in providing: <br>a) A public written account, which constitutes the only coherent and solidly based work in English on Albanian teacher education on a national and international scale.<br>b) Analysis of teacher education as a political process more sharply evident in Albania than in most countries because of the sudden and radical character of successive political changes and the exposure of the system to external forces.<br>Within that analysis there is clear evidence that changes in teacher education were a local variant of changes compared to other Central and Eastern European countries in the decades after 1945. However, the thesis makes it evident that strong European tradition remained alive during decades and has become influential even today.

In this article the author studies new forms of destructive violent forms of crimes and other deviations among minors. Among the new forms of destructive aggression in the modern world, the author selected the following: violence in schools (physical and mental), cyberbullying, inducement of minors to suicide. The main purpose of this research is to study the materials of criminal cases, police reports in the world about such violations in order to form the reasons for their commission, as well as offer specific measures of social control and their prevention. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the criminological study of such social phenomena. As one of the main conclusions, we are talking about the need to create an updated and detailed policy for the social control of such deviations.

THERE are three phases of the new inter? est in things social. One is the effort to improve social conditions. We call this social work. One is the construction and study of theories regarding social relations. We call this sociology. The third is the dissemination of social information. This is a part of education. In comparison with the other two it is relatively undeveloped, and should not remain so. Education is the strongest force now under social control, and the part of it which deals with social facts ought not to be neglected. Even those whose primary interest is in social work or in social theory recognize the importance to their own cause of a wider diffusion of social knowl? edge. The practical value of such education is great. But the spread of learning among the peo? ple is an end in itself, apart from any utility that we may at the moment see in it. Mankind advances with knowledge, and knowledge of our social life is not the least important kind. The strategic positions in education are the undergraduate curricula of the universities, col? leges and normal schools. By securing a place in these curricula we can reach a great majority of the leaders of American life in all walks. We furthermore mold the teachers in the high schools and lower schools, and thereby in large degree shape the opinions of the masses who do not reach the colleges. Through the university ex? tension system, furthermore, we can carry our facts to the adult masses who are beyond col? lege age but are craving for more knowledge, better than in any other way. Unfortunately, college education in has so far met with comparatively limited suc? cess. It does not reach a majority of university undergraduates. The separate and well developed fields of economics and political science are of course not included in this discussion. The majority of college undergraduates who take go no farther than the first course. It does not appear that those who elect sociology are usually inspired with a sane and healthy interest in social welfare or given any great amount of knowledge about the social life of their own country. This condition is due largely to the type of first course usually given in social science. We wish to scrutinize this typical first course, and to offer constructive suggestions. The content and sequence of courses in social science have for the most part been dictated either by the sociologists or the social workers. The sociologists almost invariably establish a first course composed of a brief of sociological spec? ulations, with concrete illustrations drawn mostly from the social life of other lands and times. There is very little given the student about the social life of the United States today, except per? haps as regards divorces. Variation in these courses from university to university and from textbook to textbook consists mostly in the brand of theory taught.

Before reflexivity comes preflexivity -or how to make sociology more open Construction, reconstruction, deconstruction. Integration of theoretical perspectives. Intradisciplinarity and interdisciplinarity. Extradisciplinarity too. Openness to literature. Openness to new influences. Time spent mind-wandering. Inquiry into the past, present, and future. Responsiveness to a changing present. Readiness to reinvigorate old perspectives. Disclosure of other possibilities. Discovery of novel ideas. Clarification, elaboration, justification. Preflexivity and reflexivity. Intersubjectivity and communicativeness. No fixed eternal standard. 1 1 Among my inspirations for evocating open sociology in this way, Sven-Olov Wallenstein and Anders Bartonek's reappraisal of Frankfurter Sozialforschung is especially worth mentioning; see their excellent introduction to the anthology Critical Theory: Past, Present, Future (Huddinge: Södertörns högskola, 2021).

Contents: S. Kiesler, Preface. Part I:The Net as It Was and Might Become. J. King, R.E. Grinter, J.M. Pickering, The Rise and Fall of Netville: The Saga of a Cyberspace Construction Boomtown in the Great Divide. L. Sproull, S. Faraj, Atheism, Sex, and Databases: The Net as a Social Technology. M.D. Mehta, D.E. Plaza, Pornography in Cyberspace: An Exploration of What's in USENET. J. Manning, W. Scherlis, S. Kiesler, R. Kraut, T. Mukhopadhyay, BOX: Erotica on the Internet: Early Evidence From the HomeNet Trial. Y.M. Binik, J. Cantor, E. Ochs, M. Meana, From the Couch to the Keyboard: Psychotherapy in Cyberspace. Part II:Electronic Groups. N.K. Baym, Interpreting Soap Operas and Creating Community: Inside an Electronic Fan Culture. P. Curtis, Mudding: Social Phenomena in Text-Based Virtual Realities. S. Turkle, Constructions and Reconstructions of Self in Virtual Reality: Playing in the MUDs. K.D. Mickelson, Seeking Social Support: Parents in Electronic Support Group. B. Wellman, An Electronic Group Is Virtually a Social Network. Part III:Power and Influence. C.R. Kedzie, A Brave New World or a New World Order? P.J. Carnevale, T.M. Probst, Conflict on the Internet. R. Kling, BOX: Coordination, Control, and the Intranet. Part IV:Computer-Supported Cooperative Work. T. Connolly, Electronic Brainstorming: Science Meets Technology in the Group Meeting Room. S. Whittaker, C. Sidner, E-mail Overload: Exploring Personal Information Management of E-mail. W. Thorngate, BOX: More That We Can Know: The Attentional Economics of Internet Use. Part V:Networked Organizations. D. Constant, L. Sproull, S. Kiesler, The Kindness of Strangers: On the Usefulness of Electronic Weak Ties for Technical Advice. R.E. Kraut, P. Attewell, Media Use in a Global Corporation: Electronic Mail and Organizational Knowledge. L. Covi, R. Kling, Organizational Dimensions of Effective Digital Library Use: Closed Rational and Open Natural Systems Models. J.W. Schofield, A. Davidson, J.E. Stocks, G. Futoran, The Internet in School: A Case Study of Educator Demand and Its Precursors. Part VI:Differences in Access and Usage. J.P. Walsh, T. Bayma, Computer Networks and Scientific Work. T.K. Bikson, C.W.A. Panis, Computers and Connectivity: Current Trends.

What mechanisms induce and support cooperation in social interaction? Traditional rational-choice perspective has resulted ineffective to keep track of complex real-world dynamics of cooperation. On the other hand, perspectives based on the justification of fairness preferences as internalized behavioural forces driving realistic cooperative interactions are notoriously incomplete and rather fuzzy with respect to their theoretical foundations. After considering recognized evolutionary accounts of the emergence and resilience of social standards, we endorse the view according to which the key to understanding evolutionary dynamics of social engagement is to be found in individual motivational attitudes to interaction. But, beyond any psychological implications, we suggest not exiting from the “logic of reciprocity” in considering the rationality of preferences for social interaction. Preliminary supporting experimental evidence is provided.

In the modern era of globalization, the issue of cross-border migration is becoming increasingly acute, which is caused, first of all, by its influence on the development of one of the types of international crime, in addition to drug and arms trade, which is human trafficking. Thus, the German researcher Leo Keidel considers human trafficking as one of the main activities of criminal groups, which ranks 5th in the hierarchy of criminal activity in Germany [1, p. 48]. This is certainly a violation of all human rights and freedoms enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the UN General Assembly. The greatest concern is the increase in the volume of illegal export of women and children from their native countries abroad for the purposes of sexual exploitation and forced labor. According to some data, the total number of people around the world who fall into slavery every year is 1 million people, and the profits of criminal groups are 3.5 billion dollars annually [1, p. 48]. Meanwhile, underground prostitution contributes to the spread of sexually transmitted infections, including AIDS. Recently, there are also cases of people being used for organ transplantation, because the lack of donor material and its high cost attract criminal structures. Since Russia launched a full-scale war, humanitarian workers and volunteers have reported cases of human trafficking at Ukraine's borders. During conflicts, people are often captured and sold.The UN Commission on Combating International Crime considers human trafficking to be the third largest form of organized crime, second only to illegal drug and arms trafficking. According to the Commission's estimates, the annual profits of this transnational business amount to 12 billion dollars. USA. The Center for Human Security (Vancouver, Canada), taking into account internal human trafficking in various countries, estimates the number of victims of this crime at 4 million people. The International Labor Organization estimates that approximately 1.2 million children worldwide are trafficked each year, mostly for commercial sexual ADAPTATION OF UKRAINIAN LEGISLATION TO EU REQUIREMENTS 10 exploitation or forced labor. The annual report of the US State Department on human trafficking notes the degree of progress of measures to combat human trafficking in Ukraine. One of the latest reports states that "Ukraine is a country of origin, transit and is gradually becoming a country of destination for men, women and children subjected to forced labor and sexual exploitation. Ukrainians become victims of human

This study examines power relations and gender inequality within the tradition of prohibiting marriage between individuals of the same clan (semarga) in Batak society, highlighting how this customary norm reflects a patriarchal social structure and impacts women’s positions. The central issue addressed is how this customary rule functions not only as a mechanism for preserving lineage and cultural identity but also as a form of social control that places women in a subordinate position. The aim of this research is to analyze the dynamics of power within Batak customary structures, to explore the social, legal, and psychological implications for women who violate the prohibition, and to evaluate the responses of customary and state institutions to this phenomenon. The study employs a socio-legal approach with a descriptive qualitative analysis. Data were collected through literature studies and interviews with customary leaders, religious figures, and Batak women involved in same-clan marriage cases. The analysis was conducted interpretively using a feminist perspective to reveal power relations embedded in customary structures. The findings indicate that the prohibition on same-clan marriage is rooted in the patrilineal system and Dalihan Na Tolu, which reinforce male dominance in customary decision-making processes. Women who violate this prohibition often face social stigma, legal uncertainty, and psychological pressure, despite emerging resistance from younger generations who are more critical of patriarchal norms. This study underscores the need for customary legal reform that is more responsive to gender equality and human rights values within the context of contemporary Batak society.

This research aim to know the cause of bullying increasing, Based on research data that was collected from one of high schools in Jakarta which was found that many student who want to do bullying their friends and there were also many student become a victim of bullying by their own friends. This situation occur to show their exsistance in the school. Based on the previous study, there are many factors that influence bullying behavior, such social competence and school stress. Social competence is regarded as one of the most important protective factors in the prevention of behavioural problems, such bullying behavior (Gundersen, 2010). Besides that, high school stress have positively influence concerning to bullying (Karatzias, Power, Flemming, Lennan &amp; Swanson, 2010).Samples amount in this research is students from first, second, and third degree of senior high schools ini Jakarta, academic year 2016/2017. Sampling technique in this study was nonprobability sampling with 205 respondents. This study used quantitative approach with linear regression as analysis method.Finding : from this study explains that social competence, such cooperative, emphaty and self control and school stress, such teacher interaction influence significantly on bullying behavior on adolescence. It is accordance with the finding of previous studies conducted by Bauman dan Del Rio (dalam Swearer dan Hymel, 2015) dan Irshar dan Atta (2013) that social competence and school stress influence on bullying behavior.

Social and digital technologies are exposing the impact of governance on society. It acts as a factor that simultaneously solves problems and poses threats to all of humanity as a result of mistakes, personal interests, and unforeseen consequences. With the growing influence of management on social processes, questions arise not only about how management is structured, but also what place it occupies in society. There is a need to rethink the phenomenon of management. Despite the prevalence of the term “management,” its understanding is far from ambiguous. An additional complexity is associated with the absence in foreign scientific literature of a term identical to the Russian word “management”. The article proposes that management is understood as a social phenomenon manifested in the activities of individual and group subjects, which is aimed at interfering in the natural course of events to bring them into line with subjective ideas. In this interpretation, management serves as the basis for the emergence of an artificial component. To understand the place given to management in sociology, the article analyzes the main sociological paradigms based on the typologies of K.Dubar, R.Collins, J.Ritzer. In the usual dualism, objectivism-subjectivism, structure-agent, society-personality, macrosociology-microsociology and the desire to overcome them, management is given a secondary, auxiliary role, and disciplines studying management (sociology of management, sociology of organizations) are given the place of industrial sciences. Each of the sociological paradigms is a response to the challenges of its time. The modern world is characterized by the growth of man-made artificial reality with a simultaneous increase in uncertainty. This actualizes new challenges, the answers to which the author proposes to look for in the problem field of management, expanding it to a general sociological theory. For this purpose, the social space is described as the intersection of the “natural-artificial” and “determined-uncertain” axes. The author sees an important difference between the sociology of management and other disciplines in the study of not only what one should “know in order to foresee, and foresee in order to be able,” but also how this “can” can be realized. The study of management covers the theory and practice of social and, rising to abstract levels, it does not lose pragmatism (it takes into account how knowledge is applied by social individuals in practice to solve real social problems).