A Higher Calling: Toward a More Spacious Role for Academic Advisors

As a part of a larger study titled, First Years Meet the Frames, this work explores the perceptions of first-generation students (FGS) on their readiness for college-level research as well as their first-year college experience with libraries and librarians. Although, by definition, these students lack the cultural capital normally derived from parents who went to college in order to readily assimilate into higher education institutions, depending on their high school experiences, they may be able to build social capital. Accordingly, this article investigates such opportunities which lie in high schools with strong library programs that have a full-time certified librarian working in alignment with the national school library standards of the American Association of School Librarians (AASL). It addresses what aspects of this preparation facilitate the development of social capital and follows FGS into the first year of college to see how they continue to build it. It also compares FGS to their continuing generation student (CGS) counterparts from the same high schools. Findings show that FGS can build social capital via these high school library programs and continue to leverage their high school experiences and skill sets in order to create new networks and to tackle college-level research during the first year of college. FGS demonstrate similar preparedness and similar confidence in research abilities as their CGS counterparts.

Reviewed by: Transforming the First Year of College for Students of Color W. Terrell Jones (bio) Laura Rendón, Mildred García, and Dawn Person (Eds.). Transforming the First Year of College for Students of Color. Columbia, SC: National Resource Center for The First-Year Experience and Students in Transition Publications, 2004. 208 pp. Paper: $35.00. ISBN: 1-8892-7145-4. Sara is a new first-year student of color at her first choice of institutions for higher education. She could be Asian/Pacific American, Latina, American Indian/Alaskan Native, African American or multiracial/biracial. She probably will have some difficulty financing her education, and her transition to college or university will challenge her ethnic identity, academic ability, and social skills. This is the first time she has been away from home for any appreciable amount of time, and she is the first person from her family to go away to college. She is just starting to realize the enormity of the differences between her home community and her present situation. Although a good student in high school, Sara is concerned about her ability to compete in this new atmosphere. Very few people look like her in most of her classes or in the residence hall. She generally finds herself spending a lot of time by herself or with the few students of color that she has already managed to meet. Sara's first-year experiences are typical of those from many students of color attending traditional institutions of higher education. The services and first-year student programs provided by the university usually do not take into account the multicultural nature and complexity of this growing student demographic. Also, many student development theories and practitioners have a long history of viewing students of color in ways that describe them as special needs, first-year/low income, or disadvantaged. In "Transforming the First Year of College for Students of Color," editors Rendón, García, and Person attempt to holistically address the first-year transition experience of students of color. This monograph provides higher education practitioners with compelling arguments for and practical steps toward a holistic revision of that experience. Their writing is rooted in a commitment to social justice and the critical theory of Paulo Freire, Sylvia Hurtado, Henry Giroux, James Banks, and others. The chapter contributors make a compelling argument for a paradigm shift from the traditional services and theories that have, until now, guided our thinking about minority student first-year retention programs. This new paradigm places the need for new thinking about the first-year transformation process of students of color squarely on the shoulders of the institution and those who design first-year services. The chapter contributors paint vivid, three-dimensional portraits of these students, giving voice to their cultures, survival skills, academic assets, and adjustment issues. This work also provides excellent statistical and anecdotal evidence, as well as descriptive characteristics of this emerging student population. At first blush, much of the information in the monograph may sound standard and common sense. Nevertheless, it is this book's organization and respectful treatment of the diversity of the student of color experience that I find refreshing. It characterizes the unlimited potential for changing how we in higher education think and design programs and services for this growing segment of our new student population. The monograph is divided into four sections: "Identifying Students of Color and Their Unique Needs," "Supporting Students of Color in the Classroom and Beyond," "Working with Specific Populations," and "Moving toward the Future." Their common theme is the focus on a need for institutional change and for respecting the values and knowledge of this growing new student population. It convincingly argues that traditional higher education practices for students of color in their first-year transition programs leave many needs unaddressed. Student development practitioners assisting these students must rethink the design of transformation services, practices, and student development philosophies so that they embrace the complexity of American higher education's multiracial and multicultural future. Chapter contributors stress the need for transition programming and services that respond to the full range of cultural experiences, academic preparation, and financial needs. The transition to college is often...

ABSTRACTThis study explored the ways in which family communication facilitated support and persistence for first-generation students during the transition from high school through the first year of college with a specific focus on the first-year experience, a pivotal time when first-generation students often decide whether they will leave or stay in college. Through semistructured interviews, we identified the communication events that first-generation students perceived to be turning points in their interpersonal interactions with their family members. Seventeen participants identified a total of 121 turning points that they experienced from family members spanning from the time they had their first conversation about going to college through the first year of college. Interviews revealed three suprathemes of turning points: (a) coauthoring the dream, (b) experiencing obstacles to the dream, and (c) actualizing the dream.

Predictors of academic motivation in the first year of college

The purpose of this study was to explore the experiences foster alumni college students (i.e., students who, as adolescents, were in foster care or other out-of-home conditions) considered pertinent during their first year in college. Ten self-identified foster alumni college students in a south central state participated. Interviews, participant-produced drawings, and an online questionnaire were sources of data. Participants' experiences with trauma and lack of family support played prominent roles in their integrations into higher education, particularly in terms of creating new relationships. However, participants also reported experiences with academics, finances, peer groups, and concerns about sharing their foster backgrounds. Findings further supported the differences between foster alumni and first-generation students more generally.

Qatar has gone through an educational reform in year 2000; its educational and particularly schooling system went through a major overhaul from K-12 reaching higher education providers. The major reasons for the educational reform were to increase the level of student academic achievement. Concomitantly, the rapid growth of Qatar's economy over recent decades has created a situation in which the demand for skilled labor far exceeded the supply of qualified Qatari nationals. The Qatar National Development Plan identified acute needs for highly educated and skilled Qatari nationals in the areas of health and biomedical sciences, engineering, energy and environment, and computer and information technology (Qatar National Development Strategy, 2011). Two significant higher education providers' serve post-secondary students, being Qatar University (QU) and American Branch Universities at the Qatar Foundation have grown tremendously over the years. Understanding the factors that affect Qatari students' post-secondary persistence and achievement is crucial for achieving the country's human capital growth. Tinto (1975) deposited his theory about student integration into the academic and social system of the higher education providers, Tinto suggested a multidimensional component which underlined the higher education community engaging students in all aspects of higher education including academic and non-academic. Tinto's theory basically hypothesizes that persistence is determined by the match between an individual's motivation and academic ability and the institution's academic and social characteristics. A second and major model is Bean's (1986) student's intention to stay or leave into the attrition model, derived from psychological theories and based on attitudinal research of Ajzen and Fishbein (1972) which later developed by Bentler and Speckart (1981). Key ideas from the model suggest that a strong association was related to intentions and behaviors and that an undergraduate student decision to persist or dropout was strongly related to affect. One conclusion about student engagement was students need to be satisfied and academically prepared especially those in the first years to achieve success and maintain continuous enrollment in higher education (Astin, 1985; Tinto, 2005; Kuh, 2001, 2007). Tinto's integration theory has received considerable validation of non-academic factors and impacting student continuation (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1977; Terenzini & Pascarella, 1977; Chapman & Pscarella, 1983; Pascarella & Chapman, 1983). The latter model has received empirical validation and support based on a large number of studies that looked at background information as the socioeconomic levels of students' families and its effect on postsecondary continuation in higher education (Astin & Oseguera, 2004; Sewell & Shah, 1968). With the large number of studies coming from the United States (US) and other western countries (Kenny & Stryker, 1994; Dekker & Fischer, 2008) have underlined the differences on how students develop and internalize beliefs, needs, and wants that in turn impact academic motivation to persist and succeed in higher education. While few studies have emerged from the Middle East, the recent establishment of the Middle East and North Africa Association of Institutional Research has prompted many researchers in this area to seek the understanding and experiences of students in higher education. In Qatar for instance, the first year experience study and National Association of Colleges and Employers Survey have just recently been implemented at Qatar's national public university. Faced with the danger of students dropping out from the university, and a large number of students who are likely to remain in the first years for longer years reflects the dangers of higher education being a bottleneck to economic development and human resource development (Qatar University Fact Book, 2011). One clear indication and dangers of Higher education completion rates as anywhere in the world is disparaging. It has been reported that in the US for instance 55% of undergraduates who begin study at a 4-year institution complete a degree at that same institution within 6 years of their initial enrollment and another 7% completed baccalaureate degrees within six years after attending two or more institutions (Lotkowski, Robbins & Noeth, 2004; Kuh, Kinzie, Buckley, Bridges, & Hayek, 2007). Pascarella (1985) and Adelman (2006) came to the conclusion that continuous enrollment is the most powerful variable in explaining degree completion and time to degree. There are several factors academic and non-academic likely to affect students as they make the transition to post-secondary institutions. Many students may experience stress, anxiety, withdrawal, and even depression (Robbins, Lauver, Le, Davis, Langley & Carlstrom, 2004; DeStefano, Mellott & Peterson, 2001; Feldt, Graham, & Dew, 2011; Wie, l & Zakalik, 2005). There are also a variety of non-academic challenges that have bearing on the likelihood on academic persistence and success of students. A fairly large body of research undertaken in a number of countries have examined the experiences of international students, and compared their experiences to those students of native to the host country. Academic factors (i.e., secondary preparation) appear to influence postsecondary success (see Robbins, Lauver, Le, Davis, Langley & Carlstrom, 2004). But also a range of non-academic factors, influenced by culture and values, thus may contribute to challenges faced by students in higher education in their local context. This study attempts to address Qatari student challenges in their lives in the higher education in Qatar. The study draws on student, perceptions, beliefs, outlook and context; we approach the study through grounded means by leading interview questions through exploration and probing. The approach is grounded in ways that no specific theory drives the questions rather the responses from the interview often call upon theory to justify the findings. The sample will be made of 35 students who were interviewed through probing and questioning techniques. The questions will probe and guide students with converging responses leading to themes. The long-term goal of this line of research is to provide the Qatari society with mush needed scientific information regarding the challenges that its students face in completing their university education at the competence needed to build Qatar's human capital to support its rapidly expanding economy. Finally, we believe that is a broader regional need for specific and focued information on this topic as the study findings are directly applicable to students from several other countries in the region. Reference Adelman, C. (2006). The Toolbox Revisited: Path to Degree Completion From High School Through College: U.S. Department of Education. Ajzen, L., & Fishbein, M. (1972). Attitudes and normative beliefs as factors influencing behavioral intentions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 21(2), 1–9. Astin, A. W. (1984). Student involvement: A developmental theory for higher education. Journal of college student personnel, 25(4), 297–308. Astin, A., & Oseguera, L. (2004). The declining” equity” of American higher education. The Review of Higher Education, 27, 321–341. Bentler, P., M. & Speckart, G. (1981). Attitudes “cause” behaviors: A structural equation analysis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40(2), 226–238. Chapman, D., W., & Pscarella, E., T. (1983). Predictors of academic and social integration of college students. Research in Higher Education, 19, 295–322. Dekker, S. & Fischer, R. (2008). Cultural differences in academic motivation goals: A meta-analysis across 13 societies. Journal of Educational Research, 102(2), 99–110. DeStefano, T.J., Mellott, R.N., & Peterson, J.D., (2004). A preliminary assessment of the impact of counseling on student adjustment to college. Journal of College Counseling, 4, 113–121. Kenny, M. E. & Stryker, S. (1994). Social Network Characteristics of White, African-American, Asian and Latino/a College Students and College Adjustment: A Longitudinal Study. Kuh, G. (2001). Assessing what really matters to student learning: Inside the national survey of student engagement. Change, 33(3), 10–17. Kuh, G. (2007). What student engagement data tell us about college readiness. Association of American College and Universities (AAC&U).Peer Review, 9(1), 4–8. Retrieved June 26, 2015, from http://www.aacu.org/publications-research/periodicals/what-student-engagement-data-tell-us-about-college-readiness . Kuh, G. D., Kinzie, J., Buckley, J. A., Bridges, B. K., & Hayek, J. C. (2007). Piecing Together the Student Success Puzzle: Research, Propositions, and Recommendations. ASHE Higher Education Report, Volume 32, Number 5. ASHE Higher Education Report, 32(5), 1–182. Lotkowski, V.A., Robbins, S. B. & Noeth, R. J. (2004). The role of academic and non-academic factors in improving college retention. ACT Policy Report. Qatar National Development Strategy (2011). Qatar General Secretariat for Development Planning: Doha. Pascarella, E. T. (1985). Racial Differences in Factors Associated with Bachelor's Degree Completion: A Nine-Year Follow-up. Research In Higher Education, 23(4), 351–373. Pascarella, E. & Chapman, D. (1983). A m

Marginal Effects of Merit Aid for Low-Income Students

Financial aid from the Susan Thompson Buffett Foundation (STBF) provides exceptionally generous support to a college population similar to that served by a host of state aid programs. In conjunction with STBF, we randomly assigned aid awards to thousands of Nebraska high school graduates from low-income, minority, and first-generation college households. Randomly assigned STBF awards boost bachelor's (BA) degree completion for students targeting four-year schools by about 8 points. Degree gains are concentrated among four-year applicants who would otherwise have been unlikely to pursue a four-year program. Degree effects are mediated by award-induced increases in credits earned towards a BA in the first year of college. The extent of initial four-year college engagement explains heterogeneous effects by target campus and across covariate subgroups. Most program spending is a transfer, reducing student debt without affecting degree attainment. Award-induced marginal spending is modest. The projected lifetime earnings impact of awards exceeds marginal educational spending for all of the subgroups examined in the study. Projected earnings gains exceed funder costs for low-income, non-white, urban, and first-generation students, and for students with relatively weak academic preparation.

Aim/Purpose: Persistence rates among Black and Latinx students continue to fall behind those of their White peers. One way to address this issue is to promote a stronger college sense of belonging. While student involvement has been linked to sense of belonging, postsecondary institutions need to seriously reflect on, and recommit to, their own role in engaging Black and Latinx students to promote their sense of belonging, a strong correlate of persistence and college completion. Background: A sense of belonging has been linked to college success, including student persistence. One potential way to promote a sense of belonging among Black and Latinx students is through student engagement. This paper examines the relationship between student engagement and college sense of belonging among a national sample of 10,475 Black and Latinx students. Guided by student engagement theory, we parse out the role of student involvement and institutional engagement to examine the unique and net impact of each facet of engagement as it relates to college sense of belonging among Black and Latinx students. Methodology: This study employs hierarchical linear regression modeling to examine the unique and net impact of two facets of student engagement: (a) student involvement, and (b) institutional engagement, as each relates to college sense of belonging among a national sample of 10,475 Black and Latinx students. Contribution: This paper contributes to scholarship on persistence, engagement, and belonging among Black and Latinx students. Guided by engagement theory, the study takes a nuanced view of student engagement that acknowledges the role of student involvement, and critically, examines the role of institutional engagement in terms of variance explained in sense of belonging among Black and Latinx students. Consistent with calls from the literature, this study provides an empirical examination that recognizes institutional responsibility for promoting a sense of belonging among Black and Latinx students, who are often marginalized in higher education, rather than placing the onus on the students alone. Findings: Overall, student engagement explains 18% of variance in sense of belonging among Black and Latinx students, controlling for a range of student characteristics. Student involvement explains a significant amount of variance above and beyond student background characteristics alone. Institutional engagement explains unique variance in belonging above and beyond student involvement alone, and it has the largest impact on sense of belonging of any variable in our models. Recommendations for Practitioners: Administrators, practitioners, and leadership at postsecondary institutions should acknowledge their central role in engaging Black and Latinx students. Institutions should seek out ways to communicate the resources, support, and involvement opportunities they offer through appropriate venues such as minority student and allied organizations, cultural events, and by working with existing networks of minorities on campus. Increased efforts on the part of institutions to have a broader and more inclusive reach to engage their students may communicate to students that they matter and the institution cares about their success—leading to a greater sense of belonging. Findings from this study suggest there may be ways for students and university staff to collaborate on student success to promote desirable student outcomes like sense of belonging. Recommendation for Researchers: The results provide evidence for the utility of a multidimensional conceptual or theoretical model in research that parses out involvement, engagement, and sense of belonging as independent constructs and specifies the relationship between each construct. It also calls attention to the important role of institutional support and engagement as a means of promoting sense of belonging among Black and Latinx students, and supports shifting the onus of engagement and belonging away from the student alone and toward institutions and their practices. Researchers should continue to explore how to promote belonging through different facets of engagement, and acknowledge the role of the institution in promoting belonging. Impact on Society: This paper contributes to addressing seemingly intractable gaps in college persistence rates among Black and Latinx students and their White counterparts. Specifically, it contributes to an understanding of practices and policies to promote sense of belonging through student engagement to reap associated benefits such as college persistence and completion. Closing the persistence and completion gaps among student racial/ethnic groups can contribute to greater educational equity and in turn greater societal equity. Future Research: Future research should continue to parse out student involvement, institutional engagement, and sense of belonging as distinct constructs when examining the relationship between student engagement and belonging. The present study demonstrates the merit to this approach, permitting the researcher to determine the unique and combined influence of each element of engagement on belonging that would have otherwise been obscured if treated as a single construct. Adopting this approach also offered insight into the specific facets of engagement that appear to impact belonging for Black and Latinx students instead of a monolithic treatment of student involvement or engagement, allowing for a more nuanced understanding.

Many low-income and first-generation students who enroll in college experience less desirable outcomes during their first year. Researchers have increasingly investigated the important role of college knowledge and engagement with faculty and staff for student success. Through a randomized controlled trial intervention, this study leverages the relationship between parents and students to encourage student engagement with faculty and staff during the first year of college. Results of a survey administered to treatment and control students show positive effects of this low-cost, light-touch intervention on parent–student discussions, student attitudes, and intent to persist into the second year of college.

Norway has experienced a substantial influx of students in the 21st century. The number of students with foreign citizenship has increased from just over 5,000 in 2000 to more than 23,000 in 2018, as seen in Figure 1 (DBH, 2020). This growth may seem like a paradox, given that Norway has few well-known higher education institutions, high living expenses, a language not widely understood, and a geographical location at the northern fringes of Europe.
 Figure 1: Number of Bachelor and Master Students in Norway with Foreign Citizenship 2000–2018
 So why do students choose Norway? A deliberate policy for internationalization of higher education developed is an important factor. From the 1980s, internationalization has increasingly become an integral part of national higher education policies as well as included as strategies of higher education institutions (Wiers-Jenssen & Sandersen, 2017). The main rationale for encouraging student mobility is educational; mobility is seen a tool for quality enhancement in higher education. However, economic, cultural,and political rationales are also present. The fact that the vast majority of higher education institutions are public partly explains why internationalization policies quite efficiently has trickled down from the national to the institutional level. 
 Most Norwegian higher education institutions do not charge tuition fees. This has gradually become a comparative advantage, as an increasing number of neighboring countries have introduced fees for students from outside Europe. Hence, there may be economic rationales for choosing Norway as a study destination, despite high costs of living. Students from developing countries may qualify for funding from the Norwegian government, while students from other countries have to cover all expenses themselves.
 Higher education institutions have economic incentives other than tuition fees for attracting international students. A reform in Norwegian higher education implemented in 2003 introduced a performance-based funding system (Frölich, 2006). Higher education institutions are rewarded for the number of credit points awarded, implying a stronger focus on attracting students in general. A significant increase in the number of courses and programs in English has facilitated recruitment of international students (Wiers-Jenssen, 2019). 
 International students cited courses in English and absence of tuition fees as the most frequently reported motives for studying in Norway (Diku, 2019a; Wiers-Jenssen, 2019). The latter is particularly important for students undertaking a full degree in Norway. Features of Norway, such as peaceful, safe, and technologically advanced society and unspoiled countryside are also accentuated. As these characteristics were present also before the number of international students started to grow, such motives must be understood in relation to conditions that have changed, such as availability of courses in English. Beautiful scenery and safety would have limited attractional value if courses in English were not offered.
 Quality is a less highlighted reason for choosing Norway as a study destination. But even if perceived quality is not a main attraction, international students in general give positive assessments of the quality of their education (Diku, 2019a). They cope quite well with academic demands, and their main challenges seem to be dealing with the high living expenses and limited interaction with Norwegians. The latter represents a challenge also for higher education institutions, as a major rationale for recruiting international students is to enhance “internationalization at home” (exposing Norwegian students and faculty to perspectives from abroad). If interaction is scarce, so is the exchange of ideas and perspectives.
 Foreign students in Norway consist of three groups (see Figure 2): (a) students who come to undertake a full postgraduate degree (international graduate students), corresponding to the definition of international students used in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD, 2020) statistics; (b) students who come for a shorter study of 3 months or more (international exchange students); and (c)students who come for study sojourn of less than three months or who have come to Norway for other reasons, including (labor) migrants, refugees and more. In total, these three groups constituted 8.7% of total enrollments in Norwegian higher education institutions in 2018 (own calculation based on DBH).
 Figure 2: Bachelor and Master students in Norway with Foreign Citizenship, 2018: Number and Type of Students
 PhD students are not included in the figures mentioned above, and an exact numberof current doctoral students cannot be estimated. However, the number of foreign citizens completing a PhD was 657 in 2018, 42 per cent of all PhD graduates (Research Council of Norway, 2019). Hence, the proportion of foreign citizens is far higher at the doctorate level than at the bachelor and master level. This is in line with the situation in most European and North American countries (OECD, 2019).
 The largest universities (University of Oslo and Norwegian University of Science and Technology) attract the highest number of international students. These are also among the few Norwegian higher education institution found on international ranking lists. However, some small specialized higher education institutions such as the Academy of Fine Art, The Oslo School of Architecture and Design, and the Norwegian Academy of Music have higher proportions of international students.
 The majority of international students originate from Europe and Asia (Diku, 2019b). China, Nepal, Sweden and Germany are currently the major sending countries of full degree students. Exchange students are mainly Europeans, and many of these come through the European Union student exchange program ERASMUS. European exchange students are often attracted by the “exoticness” of studying in the northern fringes of Europe. The majority of full degree students are enrolled in master programs, while exchange students are in bachelor programs. Science and technology is the most popular field of study, and clearly more popular among international students than Norwegian students (Diku, 2019b).
 More than half of the international students report being interested in living and working in Norway upon graduation (Diku, 2019a). However, updated statistics on the number that actually settle in Norway are currently not available. While obtaining a residence permit in Norway is quite straightforward for those who are originate from countries in the European Economic Area, students from other countries generally face more barriers. Some countries see recruitment of international students as an instrument for so-called skilled migration, but Norway does not have an explicit policy on this. On the contrary, government policies have encouraged students to leave upon graduation, in order to avoid poaching highly skilled individuals from countries that already experience high emigration. As a part of foreign aid policy, students from developing countries have received grants for studying in Norway, on condition that they return to their home country.
 The last couple of years, the number of international students in Norway has ceased to grow (cf. Figure 1). The reasons for this are not clear. It may be that a (temporary) point of saturation is reached. Still, the overall picture shows a remarkable growth in the last two decades. This illustrates that a small country with weak traditions for inward mobility may be able to attract international students if higher education institutions and national policies match well. Further, it shows that institutional policies can attract international students as much as economic policies.

Although there is continuing growth in higher education for Latinx individuals, they are disproportionately less likely to finish college compared to students of other ethno-racial groups (Snyder, 2018). Sense of belonging has been found to be a crucial component for student success, especially for Latinx students. The purpose of the following qualitative study was to gain an in-depth understanding of Latinx students’ sense of belonging on campus using Hurtado and Carter’s (1997) theoretical framework and explore how Latinx students' sense of belonging is related to interactions within classes designed around an Inclusion, Diversity, Equity, and Action (IDEA) framework. This study used a secondary data set that was collected starting in Fall 2019 and a primary data set that was collected in Fall 2022. This study features 24 Latinx undergraduate students and explores the following themes: transitioning from hometown to a campus environment, hostile climate on campus, and ways to increase sense of belonging. In addition to highlighting factors that impacted students’ sense of belonging, we found that IDEA-related courses greatly benefited Latinx students' sense of belonging and other recommendations from the students on how to increase sense of belonging. The findings of this research add to the body of literature on Latinx students and their sense of belonging at PWIs, and help higher education systems to develop transformative action plans such as implementing more IDEA-related courses in universities.

The Latinx population in the United States has drastically increased over the last twenty years. During the same period, the number of first-generation Latinx students enrolling in higher education post-recession has also increased by as much as 1.5 million students. The expansion of the Latinx student population in Oregon has mirrored the national trend by exponentially increasing over the last 10 years. As the population of first-generation Latinx students grows, it becomes essential to explore the issues and barriers Latinx students face in making their college choices. Previous researchers have found that selecting the right institution is important to increase the chances of satisfaction, retention, and completion of a college degree. At a time when institutions of higher education are facing financial challenges stemming from low student enrollment rates coupled with decreases in federal and state funding, many colleges and universities are forced to find new strategies to stay financially afloat. These strategies include marketing to build their unique brands and the college experience. Few studies exist on how marketing affects the college choice experience of first-generation Latinx students at state universities in the Pacific Northwest. Using social and culture capital frameworks as a guide, this basic qualitative research study employed qualitative interviews to explore the college choice experience of a group of 12 first-generation Latinx students at the University of Northwest Pacific (pseudonym) to gain an understanding of how marketing may have affected their experiences and the challenges they faced in navigating the college choice process. The study helped identify three themes: (1) Building a college-bound identity and self-resilience, (2) Accessing social and cultural capital, and (3) Marketing and its effects on students. The findings showed that family had a significant role in building the participants' college-bound identity. Additionally, the study illustrated how social and cultural capital positively impacted participants with individualized assistance and mentors (e.g., counselors, teachers, friends). Lastly, the findings highlighted the challenges and barriers first-generation Latinx students face as they progress through their college choice stages and how marketing affected their selection of the University of Northwest Pacific (UNP). This study also discussed the findings' implications and future research direction.

This study examines the early departure pathways of first-time freshmen university students to better understand the intersection of financial and time-related constraints that affect first-generation and low-income Black and Latinx students. Data from 50 interviews with students who experienced an early departure from a four-year university suggest that students’ financial barriers are heightened as they matriculate because they are unsuspecting of the hidden costs of college. In turn, the financial- and time-related barriers operate as a double disadvantage that consequently pushes students out of higher education. The student’s financial commitments and responsibilities become unmanageable and this is exacerbated by precarious family contexts, processes, and haphazard timing associated with limited financial resources. This study contributes to current research by expanding sociological theory related to the factors that contribute to persistent educational attainment inequalities along ethnoracial and socioeconomic lines, as well as informing policies and practices across higher education.

Trajectories of motivation and their academic correlates over the first year of college