Authoritarian Reforms and External Legitimacy

Important environmental changes that have become increasingly pronounced in the last two centuries and that are seriously affecting human health require the development of integrated and participatory scientific approaches that can result in proposals for institutional and public policy changes. The purpose of this article is to offer some elements that can contribute to a line of reflection based on studies with ecosystem approaches in the Latin America context. The authors begin with a brief description of current scientific literature in public health that links ecosystems and human health in Latin America; next, they describe and compare the two prevailing trends that form the basis for the theoretical and methodological debates on ecosystem approaches; they also review the empirical research in Latin America or concerning Latin American countries in which an ecosystem approach has been adopted. The results point to limited scientific output on the interface between ecosystems and human health; aspects involving public participation and implementation of institutional changes and public policies are still in a rather incipient stage.

Abstract. This article deals with the institutional change of 27 political systems in postcommunist countries, 1990–2002. The authors show that institutional change after the institutionalization of the postcommunist regime is limited and lock‐in effects are strong. This applies to the more democratic and affluent countries as well as to the more authoritarian regimes. The authors do not find evidence for theories of institutional change that see institutional development as a linear function of socio‐economic factors such as affluence or of domestic political power distribution. The European Union and NATO have an effect that is limited to the overall democratic character of the system.

In authoritarian regimes, governments regularly use overt and heavy-handed visual propaganda to effectively signal regime strength and deter protests. Can democratic leaders also use this so-called hard propaganda to project strength, or does this kind of authoritarian-style messaging potentially backfire because of societal norms for leaders’ behavior? Focusing on a rare instance in which outright visual hard propaganda was used in a democratic setting, we study how US citizens perceived its use by the Trump administration during the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests. In a preregistered online survey fielded from June 12 until June 16, 2020, we exposed participants from both sides of the political spectrum to randomized pairs of real-world propaganda images. This allowed us to explore how partisanship influenced perceptions of hard propaganda during the height of the protests. Our findings reveal that, compared to standard political messaging, hard propaganda can communicate greater strength to both government supporters and opponents in a democracy. Yet, in contrast to autocratic settings, it fostered opposition among Trump opponents. Trump supporters, however, did not find such propaganda any more or less appropriate than standard political communication, consistent with an increased acceptance of authoritarian practices within polarized democracies.

This paper makes a two-fold contribution to the practical application of cost-benefit analysis and to our understanding of the costs and benefits to the host country of foreign students in higher education. First, within the technical constraints it develops a model for assessing costs and benefits; this model is potentially applicable to all countries with foreign students. The model includes educational and political as well as economic inputs, and the paper discusses qualitative as well as quantitative costs and benefits. Secondly, the model is applied to the particular case of the United States. The significance of different perspectives for assessing net benefit is recognized, and costs and benefits are assessed from the perspectives of higher education institutions, state residents and all US citizens. The paper finds positive net benefits, subject to a number of assumptions. However, the policies of both state governments and the US government do not appear to be consistent with the goal of maximizing this net benefit.

The article proposes a new approach to conceptualizing Lacan’s theory of the pass as a mechanism that links the end of individual analysis, the training of analysts, and the transformation of analytic institutions. It formulates three key theses according to which the political dimension of psychoanalysis is determined primarily by the regimes of training and the reproduction of analytic practice rather than only by conditions of access to analysis, and shows that changes in the social composition of analytic schools have direct epistemological consequences for the theory itself. Drawing on contemporary clinical initiatives and theoretical debates, the article rethinks classical Lacanian categories (the signifier, the Other, interpretation, the Real) from the standpoint of analytic listening and introduces the notion of “analytic egalitarianism”, which underscores the decisive role of the distribution of the capacity to listen within the clinical space. The pass is treated not as a final act of analyst authorization but as a specific form of analysis that links singular analytic trajectories to the collective task of restructuring the analytic community. The article concludes by arguing for a political project aimed at institutional change within the Lacanian field and at the creation of new analytic forms.

Understanding “Sectarianism”: Sunni-Shiʿa Relations in the Modern Arab World

External conditions have historically influenced economic outcomes and have also impacted political institutions in developing countries. Focusing on these changes, this article develops a theoretical model of political conflict and democratic stability in a small open developing economy, using as the basis a structuralist macroeconomic model. In this model, political institutions are given in the medium run but vary in the long run as a result of political conflict between capitalists, formal workers, and informal workers excluded from the benefits of social protection. The model suggests that a democratic breakdown is more likely the larger the informal sector, the lower the structural competitiveness of the economy, and the weaker the country’s democratic tradition. The model also links the possibility of coups and democratization process with external shocks. Based mainly on the Latin American experience in democratic and dictatorial regimes, the article claims that combining industrial and technological policies—which ease the Balance-of-Payments constraint—with the building of a comprehensive system of social protection is key for the consolidation and stability of democracy.

Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked Protest

In Colombia, right-wing leadership returned to power after winning the presidential elections in 2018 in a campaign in which they opposed the previous government, primarily because of the negotiations and peacemaking with the FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—Ejército del Pueblo ‘Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia—People’s Army’), Colombia’s largest guerrilla organization. Globally, there is a vibrant academic debate about how to characterize the current rise of right-wing populism or authoritarianism, but more profound insights from each country’s situation and its political economy implications are needed. The victory in Colombia was due to numerous factors, including the support from some rural elites who have historically obstructed the enforcement of redistributive land policies. However, the populist aspirations of the right-wing government have been persistently frustrated not only by social unrest and political mobilization but also because of the enforcement of institutions previously incorporated into the country’s political scenario. Specifically, in terms of agrarian political economy, two sets of human rights-oriented institutional changes are relevant regarding this matter: (a) the Land Restitution Law enacted in 2011 and (b) the Comprehensive Rural Reform contained in the Agrarian Chapter of the Peace Agreement between the national government and the FARC-EP in 2016. The purpose of this paper is to ground the ongoing theoretical and political debate about the rise of different forms of populism and right-wing authoritarianism in the current Colombian political context, and its implications on the countryside. The analytical contribution of this paper is twofold: On the one hand, I propose an alternative for explaining the nature of the current political regime in Colombia as right-wing authoritarianism; on the other hand, I analyze some features of such regimes in terms of its disputes with the enforcement of human rights-oriented institutions, that are in force as the result of political processes triggered by peasants’ mobilization.

Since the beginning of 1989 when the Round Table negotiations started in Poland, tremendous and rapid revolutionary changes have taken place in the whole region of Central and Eastern Europe. This process of radical social, political, and institutional changes is still under way. The 1989 peaceful, or revolutionary, radical political changes swept away one ideology in Eastern Europe without replacing it with another that is as clearly defined. The Soviet pattern of an economic system was based on a centrally planned economy, the domination of state ownership and the liquidation of private property, and command-administrative management of the national economy with a huge bureaucratic governmental apparatus. The economic and social performance of the system lost its ability to legitimize the authoritarian political regimes. The new political leadership emerged from the younger generation of Communist Party activists. The shocking defeat of the national list and the grievous electoral setbacks of the Polish United Workers’ Party challenged the fragile Round Table agreement.

The rentier-state literature pays little attention to the initial political conditions that shape the way an oil-rich country develops its resources. One of the key causal mechanisms linking oil wealth and regime type is the relationship between foreign investors and host governments. Especially in the developing countries that depend on international financing and expertise, the role of foreign capital in fashioning the balance of power in the political system and thereby the distribution of oil wealth becomes ever more important. As the experiences of Azerbaijan and Russia in the 1990s demonstrate, among oil-rich states in the developing world, those with authoritarian regimes tend to fare better in terms of attracting FDI in the oil sector than states with democratizing (or hybrid regimes). The durability of some authoritarian regimes in the developing world is partly a function of this external legitimation from foreign investors.

Protecting the Majority of Humanity

Experiments have been carried out in order to investigate the stabilization of water temperature with a water-PCM heat exchanger. The water-PCM heat exchanger was of a rather simple design. It was a round tube, through which the water flowed, surrounded with an annular layer of PCM. The heat exchanger was divided into one meter long segments (modules) and the water temperature was monitored at the outlet of each of the segments. A paraffin-based PCM with the melting temperature of 42 °C was used in the experiments. The experimental set-up consisted of two water reservoirs kept at different temperatures, the water-PCM heat exchanger, PC controlled valves and a data acquisition system. As the first step a response to a step change in the water temperature at the inlet of the heat exchanger was investigated. Subsequently, a series of experiments with a square wave change of temperature at the inlet of the exchanger were carried out. The square wave temperature profile was achieved by periodic switching between the two water reservoirs. Several amplitudes and periods of temperature square wave were used. The results of experiments show that a water-PCM heat exchanger can effectively be used to stabilize the flowing water temperature when the inlet temperature changes are around the melting range of the PCM.

A growing literature suggests social democratic policies, as exemplified by the welfare state and active labour market policies, promote higher levels of life satisfaction compared to the neoliberal agenda of austerity, smaller government and more ‘flexible’ labour markets. In this article, this inquiry is extended to low‐income countries. A theoretical argument is developed for why labour market regulation (LMR) (rather than social welfare spending or the general size of government) is a more appropriate locus of attention outside of the industrial democracies. The relationship between LMR and several measures of well‐being is then empirically evaluated, finding robust evidence that people live more satisfying lives in countries that more stringently regulate their labour market. Moreover, it is found that positive benefits of LMR on well‐being are the largest among individuals with lower incomes. The implications for public policy and the study of human well‐being are discussed.

Sutirtha Chatterjee) join the editor-in-chief (Robert Davison) to craft a position statement regarding the ISJ's view on theory. It is applicable, with sensitivity, to the empirical research articles that we consider for publication.