Bajuni – A Language Peninsula

Currently, at 272 million globally, the number of international migrants across the globe already exceeds the projections of many experts for 2050 (IOM, 2020). Emigrants from the developing regions to Western industrialized countries constitute a significant proportion of these recent global migrants and, not surprisingly, have attracted a fair share of this debate. Until the past decade, research on migrants to Western host societies has focussed largely on the challenges they face in or pose to their host societies (Fisher, 2013; Juswiak et al., 2014). It is safe to say that there is now an increasing interest in exploring their experiences as resilient and contributing members of their new homelands. The target populations for research, however, have not shifted much from the more established migrant groups within specific Western countries (Babatunde-Sowole et al., 2016). The experiences of more recent newcomers like Sub-Saharan (Black) Africans in less travelled destinations like Canada remain highly under-researched (Okeke-Ihejirika, Yohani, et al., 2020) This special issue is not by any means an attempt to provide exhaustive accounts to fill huge gaps in their histories and lived experiences. Rather, we wish to present a few insightful snapshots of their lives that hopefully underscore the need for more studies that could inform their transition and integration into Canada and to other comparable Western host societies where their numbers are growing. In effect, these four articles vividly point to what a potentially robust body of literature could lend to future research, policy and practice in migration and settlement. Until the 1980s, the popularly dubbed “Africa's black debate,” which ushered in what has become an endemic economic and political crisis, noted that Africans travelled to the West mainly to acquire higher education (Okpewho & Nzegwu, 2009). Currently, African migrants constitute one of the fastest growing immigrant groups in Western advanced countries. This special section will feature important findings from new empirical research, critical analysis of already documented evidence and theoretical and conceptual discourses. The issue includes contributions from four Western-based scholars, three in Canada and one in Australia. While this special issue features the works of a selected few, the areas of interest, quality of inquiry and flow of analyses demonstrate the wide range of interdisciplinary expertise. Most of the contributors are well known in the field of migration and settlement, and their research and scholarship have charted new paths within their fields of expertise as well as in broader interdisciplinary discourses. Their expertise in various fora of academic debates easily lends themselves to the central focus of the special edition which we have entitled: African International Migration to the West: Transnational, Empirical and Contextual Discourses. We hope that what this special section lacks in terms of the volume and number of contributors is to a reasonable extent compensated for by the broader reach of their collective analyses into existing discourses. Moreover, the four articles in this special section are strategically positioned to speak to a number of key factors that are crucial in understanding African migration to the West, including the challenges they face with transition and integration, their identities within the Western host mainstream and amid other marginalized populations, particularly, other Black populations, immigrant and otherwise. Our estimates, however, lean heavily on the Canadian context. First, we seek to capture as much as possible, life before and after migration; immigrants' experiences beyond the geophysical boundaries of their new host societies. The unprecedented rise of migrants crossing national and continental borders either in search of a better life or fleeing political conflicts has captured global concerns, but only in one direction. There is an increasing focus on migrants' safe passage, adequate support systems for transition and integration, and recognition of their strengths and contributions as members of their new society (United Nations, 2018). Philomina Okeke-Ihejirika and Ike Odimegwu draw attention to what often emerges as a one-sided conversation, bringing back into focus one crucial area that these global debates are taking attention away from the dire conditions of life in migrant-sending regions that produce both regular and irregular migrants. Beyond the focus on life before migration, virtually all the authors place their analyses of African migrant' lives within the context of recent turns in immigration theory, building on a number of key understandings. They reflect the shift towards transnationalism – the flow of people and goods across national boundaries propelled by forces of global capitalism and the exigencies of political upheaval (Okeke-Ihejirika & Salami, 2018). We stress a more easily agreed upon notion in the field that immigrants do not willingly sever ties to their homeland as they anchor themselves in a new soil. The previous static understanding of migration as a linear journey with little or no turnarounds or connections with original homelands has been replaced by an understanding that migrants are informed by and inform cultural identities and practices in homelands, diasporic communities and their host societies. As individuals, families and communities, the experiences and viewpoints of transnationals are marked by multiple social intersections, including gender, race, ethnicity, religion and language. Transnational ties are not only reciprocated in many ways, but (Mensah et al., 2013) also extend beyond their countries of origin, occurring in multiple spaces and modes, including digital platforms (Ibid). This special section also includes empirical research on the conditions of life in immigrant-sending countries that propel migration and ways they might be linked to the prospects of successful transition and integration in host societies (see Okeke-Ihejirika & Odimegwu, 2022). Second, we want to signal in more subtle forms some of the commonalities that Blacks in many Western industrialized countries share and some of the ways in which newcomers from Africa differ from older Western-based African origin populations. Sophie Yohani and Linda Kreitzer as well as Thashika Pillay's articles demonstrate some of the shared experiences and points of departure. Resilience is a facet of this commonly shared experience that is echoed in the analyses of the special section authors. The focus on Black resilience in the face of daunting discrimination is also timely; the United Nations declaration, affirming the Decade for People of African Descent (UNPAD 2015–2024), among others public policy research findings, not only give voice to an existing problem but urge a global response with measurable impact (United Nations, 2013). People of African origin are generally viewed as highly resilient mainly due to a protracted history of oppression and exploitation as well as marginalization in varied contemporary contexts (Ibid). But despite their resilience, people of African descent have disproportionately poor socio-economic indicators, including child poverty, poor education and training outcomes, precarious employment status, unique forms of systemic racisms and mental health stigmas (Statistics Canada, 2020; Taylor et al., 2020). Many of them wrestle with limited social support due to migration and separation from families of origin, anti-Black racism, and from lack of knowledge of how the Western host society system operates. In December 2013, the United Nations General Assembly adopted resolution 68/237, proclaiming 2015–2024 the International Decade for People of African Descent (UNPAD) a time for concerted action to address their plight in more meaningful and effective ways. This proclamation recognizes “that people of African descent represent a distinct group whose human rights must be promoted and protected” (United Nations, 2013). This publication, we hope, will not only find its place among many others as the UNPAD comes to a close but may further contribute to new paths in research, policy and practice aimed at alleviating the systemic inequities these populations bear, which are not about to disappear after 2024. Beyond these commonalities, there are several differences that a hugely diverse population of Black (continental) Africans share in a new homeland which, in many ways, set them apart from other Black populations. In general, these immigrants and refugees come from about 40 ex-colonies of mainly Britain (e.g. Kenya, Nigeria and Uganda) and France (e.g. Mauritania, Senegal and Côte d'Ivoire) and form the majority of African newcomers (Flahaux & De Haas, 2016; Tettey & Puplampu, 2005). Often they are lumped with either the broader immigrant population or a large and growing pool of Blacks (Statistics Canada, 2019). The rise in the latter is largely fuelled by inflows of highly educated continental Africans in search of a better life abroad. In Canada, for instance, Black African immigrants and refugees grew from just 1.9% of newcomers to Canada before 1971 to 13% in 2016 (Statistics Canada, 2017) making Africa second among Canada's immigrant-sending regions. The population of African immigrants in Australia has grown from the late twentieth century into the twenty-first century. They come from virtually every country in Africa, with Black Africans increasingly representing a larger proportion of the newcomers from the continent. According to the Australian Census figures, the population of Sub-Saharan Africans living in Australia doubled between 2001 and 2011 (Gatwiri & Anderson, 2021). By 2016, their numbers had risen to 388,683, representing about 1.7% of the total population. Although a relatively small proportion of the national population, Black Africans the significant rise in their population year after year has not gone unnoticed (Ibid). Overall, Black Africans are socially diverse but share a longing for community life rooted in religion and culture, punctuated by the popular maxim of Ubuntu – I am because we are (De Liefde, 2007; Dube, 2009; Mnyaka & Motlhabi, 2005; Mosavela et al., 2015) healthy gender relations, family well-being and cohesive communities sustain Ubuntu (Okeke-Ihejirika, Creese, et al., 2020). Farida Fozdar and Sophie Yohani and Linda Kreitzer, in their contributions underscore the crucial importance of community building to Black African newcomers' transition and integration, identifying some of the potential consequences of limited support, especially in the case of mental health. Black African newcomers' history and immigration trajectories differ significantly from other Blacks. They are relatively young, mainly from non-settler colonial societies and even more importantly, unfamiliar with anti-Black racism. Unlike more established and older Black populations, African Black immigrant cohorts do not experience the high rates of single-parent, female-headed households or economically marginalized men (Morrissey, 1989; Quinlan, 2006; Quinlan & Flinn, 2003), stemming from long-standing systemic inequities rooted in slavery and colonization. These differences render new and unique constellations to the barriers they face in rebuilding their lives. One of the special section articles by Pillay explores such barriers in the context of education. Black youth, as Pillay's article demonstrates, must navigate formal education systems that are structured to benefit and perpetuate the very settler colonial state apparatus that marginalizes them. Third, this special section also aligns with one major point of emphasis for International Migration – a policy perspective on research findings. In this regard, we welcome a fairly rare contribution to Western debates – a perspective from the African continent that vividly portrays life before migration, the push and pull factors that forcefully compel emigration, and the implications for the societies left behind. Based on the existing literature and the findings of our own research, we argue that policymakers and service providers do not yet fully recognize the complexities of these communal relations, their protective functions when understood from an emic (within culture) perspective, and ways such relations may mediate the lives of Black African newcomers in Western societies. These newcomers often lack the necessary support and information to reappraise their cultural worldviews, social hierarchies and patterns of male–female interactions, let alone confront new social and economic barriers posed by anti-Black racism and discrimination. Consequently, the early years of transition are characterized by severe deskilling, financial hardship, domestic violence, parent–child conflict mental ill-health and lateral violence and tensions; these challenges could also result from already established patterns carried over from countries of origin, some of which are exacerbated by racism (Okeke-Ihejirika, Yohani, et al., 2020). The lack of reliable, accurate pre-arrival information further complicates these barriers (Ibid). Fourth and finally, this issue not only exposes the limitations of existing literature on African migrants but also points the way for future research. While each article provides recommendations specific to the issues addressed, the contributors unanimously highlight a major gap – much of what we know about this population rests largely on small purposive samples of newcomers from a handful of African countries. Thus, collectively, this issue highlights an urgent need for studies that employ larger samples with a diversity of participants and more quantitative work. In this regard, we call for research that fans critical debates about how to conceptualize, research and support Black newcomers from Africa. In their bid to identify major empirical and theoretical gaps to inform new directions for research and knowledge mobilization, we urge researchers to critique, rather than wholly accept, existing research agendas without probing their sociocultural, economic and political contexts, which often are innately Eurocentric; our own research findings, for instance, show that for Black Africans, resilience is not simply about survival; it is about building thriving communities of fully functioning citizens of their new host societies (Okeke-Ihejirika, 2020; Okeke-Ihejirika, Creese, et al., 2020). In this regard, there is an urgent need for research using wider samples, more quantitative work and longitudinal tracking in order to gain a better understanding of Black African immigrants, the challenges they face as newcomers and the strengths they could bring to the process of transition and integration.

The core of this article is a comparative analysis of the double movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century (the belle époque and collapse of British hegemony) with the double movement of the late twentieth and early twenty-first century (the belle époque and current crisis of U.S. hegemony). In both periods the movement toward allegedly self-regulating markets called forth a countermovement of protection. Nevertheless, important differences exist due, first, to differences in the nature of the hegemonic state and, second, to the greater role of subordinate forces in constraining the movement toward self-regulating markets in the late twentieth century.

The paper discusses the grammatical aspects of language contact in the language use of Hungarian communities in the Transylvanian Plain on the basis of living language data. The database has been created as part of a larger, more extensive research in the course of which the language shift processes of the Hungarian-Romanian bilingual speakers living in the diasporic communities of the Transylvanian Plain are being analysed and which has been continuously increased in the past three years. The research has been carried out by narrative interviews recorded in nine communities by now, with native Hungarian speakers of different ages who also speak Romanian to a certain extent. These communities have provided a varied field for bilingual researches from a demographical point of view but in terms of linguistic environment and the extent of bilingualism as well. Up to now the language contact researches have mainly been directed towards lexical and phonetical aspects, and for a while they have been extended to semantical aspects too, but as far as grammatical contact phenomena are concerned, we have quite few results at the moment. On basis of the data presented in the paper the analysed phenomena can be explained in certain cases with the influence of the dominant second language, respectively the Romanian, or with the uncertainty rising from the running of two language systems at the same time. The phenomena occuring most often as results of the Romanian language effect are the syntactical phenomena and those regarding word order, the use of plurals in a different way from the standard use, suffix confusions, suffix borrowings, redundancy and missing elements. Redundancy phenomena contain the use of unnecessary articles, special double negation, redundancy of negative particles, missing elements mean the lack of the modal verb in conditional structures. In certain cases, for example at the phenomenon of suffix borrowing, the parallel structures can be found in Romanian as well, so this can be considered language contact phenomenon, just like the lack of modal verbs in conditional structures. Other phenomena, such as the specific SVO word order characteristic of the Romanian language, or specific use of plurals are viewed as relative language contact phenomena, as these can be observed in the language use of monolingual Hungarian speakers too, though more rarely than in the language use of bilinguals. In order to completely understand the processes of language contacts further researches of the grammatical contact phenomena are needed.

Thinking with the Nation"National" Literatures at the Cusp Sukanya Banerjee (bio) Critical discussions of the nineteenth-century nation tend to be anachronistic inasmuch as we retrofit contemporary notions of the nation into nineteenth-century politico-cultural formations. One can be forgiven for this anachronistic move because nineteenth-century literary and cultural history bears ample evidence of the singularity with which the spirit of nationalism imbued itself in and through aesthetic and cultural practices, be it in Romantic imaginings or the literary artifact of the Victorian novel. However, it is worth noting that the object of nationalism—the nation—remained considerably opaque throughout the century. Incidentally, while the French Revolution is widely understood to mark the point at which state power begins to affix itself to national sentiment, the sovereign nation-state was hardly a ubiquitous phenomenon until about the mid-twentieth century.1 But it is also the case that the nation itself was quite amorphous over the course of the nineteenth century. Even as Walter Bagehot authored a definitive treatise on what is a key instrument of nationhood, the constitution (in this case, the English constitution), he also mused: "But what are nations?"2 The opacity of the nation arose not so much from its mutability (changing borders) but from the uncertainty regarding its organizing logic. What was the coherent element around which a community imagined itself? Was it language? Was it race? How much could one put store in territoriality, which, after all, could shift? As twenty-first century readers and scholars, we are all too familiar with the artifice of the nation, the fact of its constructedness. But so were thinkers in the nineteenth [End Page 84] century. What does it mean, then, to read this contingency back into the nineteenth century, when nations were are at various stages of making, nonmaking, and unmaking? How does such a chronologically apposite view impinge upon our otherwise unitary understanding of "national literature" or "national tradition" that a post–Second World War critical and political legacy has bequeathed us? How might revisiting the nation in the late nineteenth century, at the cusp, in fact, between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, reorient our thinking about the nation and the critical frameworks that it might generate? In addressing these questions, I want to consider analytical frameworks that might be apropos to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries given that this was a period that came in the wake of the Italian Risorgimento and German unification but also witnessed an upsurge in anticolonial agitation as well as colonial nationalisms that understood sovereignty and affiliation as nested, layered, and dispersed.3 The idea of the nation was very much in the air in Britain, too, where national sovereignty had been continually negotiated through franchise reform (the latest installment in 1882) and national identity found expression in patriotic jingoism attending the Boer wars. But the British nation was also inextricable from its empire, and if, as Hedinger and Hee point out, the tendency of "transnational history" is to "nationalize empires," such that "imperial history is read as the history of a nation-state beyond its borders,"4 then it is worth noting the inadequacy of the transnational as an analytical template in this context, not least because of the impossibility of reading the British nation as a discrete formation. In trying to read the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century nation and the literatures and traditions that gathered under its rubric, it might be productive, instead, to consider theories of nation extant in the nineteenth century, which is to say, to read through the nineteenth century and with the Victorians—widely understood—rather than retrospectively superimpose our late twentieth- and twenty-first-century critical frameworks upon them. At one level, then, I am making a temporal argument about our reading of the nation, suggesting that while we tend to read back into the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century nation and its literatures and cultures, we should focus instead on the nineteenth century and use that as a basis for reading [End Page 85] forward. Evidently, the famed temporal paradoxes of the nation inflect our reading habits, as well. But why focus on the...

The field of development communication has been experiencing a paradigm shift toward an emphasis upon pluralistic, localized, and more participatory communication within the larger political and cultural environments. The emerging paradigm implicitly rejects both the ahistorical and individual-level biases of modernization theory as well as the reductionist social structural biases of dependency theory, and instead focuses upon human action within sociocultural, political, and economic contexts. There has been, however, little academic movement in the form of new theoretical formulations suited to this shift toward a new paradigm of development. This paper discusses the need for and the difficulties of cross-level theorizing in development communication which can help explain the actions of individuals within their larger sociocultural and political contexts; proposes a cross-level approach to communication and development based upon theories of mythology, discourse, and narrative; and illustrates the approach with an examination of indigenous media and the social roles of the shadow puppet (wayang) mythology in Central Java, Indonesia. Implications for applied work in development are discussed.

This research has showed the relationship between the Libyan context regarding to sociocultural context, political context and economic context with corporate social responsibility disclosure (CSRD). The research has been used the literature review related this topic by books, papers, and master degree and PhD research. This research has covered the stage between 1970 until 2010. The results of this research revealed that the sociocultural context, political context and economic context can influence corporate social responsibility disclosure (CSRD) in Libya.

This article takes Marxism as a model and example of a secular-humanist approach that, while lacking a dimension that can be characterized as divine, transcendent, spiritual, etc., is also a mass ‘secular-messianic’ movement that incorporates religious elements, primarily the universal aspiration for the redemption of humanity. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the neo-Kantian philosopher Hermann Cohen pointed out the danger of humanistic approaches with universal aspirations that lacked an intimate dimension towards one’s fellow human beings, a dimension that, according to Cohen, is fundamentally religious and stems from the transcendence of God.Erich Fromm’s approach is used in this article as a medium to present a Jewish socialist idea in the formulation and language of humanistic psychology. Fromm’s critique of Marx, whom he admired, includes the application of Hermann Cohen’s approach to the historical situation of the mid- and late twentieth century. Fromm’s call for personal involvement as a solution to alienation echoes Cohen’s concept of correlation. The position of Emmanuel Levinas presented in this article serves to present the claim that humanistic-universal approaches that reject the transcendent-divine dimension ultimately deny the transcendent element that defines human beings in general and the other person in particular, and according to Levinas, this is the epistemology and phenomenology of violence. Despite its socialist vision, Jewish messianism also embraces a personal element of the transcendent that gives it an ethical orientation that secular socialism lacks, as the Levinassian examination of messianism in rabbinic literature demonstrates.

The book of Revelation is believed to be infused with anti-Roman sentiment, and the politics of Revelation has been discussed in a variety of ways by specialists for nearly 2,000 years. During the late twentieth century, “empire” emerged as a crucial term in the interpretation of John’s Apocalypse. This chapter explores the relationship between apocalypse and empire, with reference to imperial Rome. After discussing several important trends in Revelation studies in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, it considers the ways in which empire functioned within recent interpretations. It examines whether Revelation was a response to Roman imperialism and persecution as well as the experience of harassment, torture, and execution, and whether Revelation was subversive.

In the wake of several books published over the last decade on the history of United States fitness, historian Jürgen Martschukat offers an international examination of the subject by considering German and American fitness cultures in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Originally published in German in 2019, Martschukat's volume synthesizes a broad array of primary and secondary literature in chapters that, while not organized strictly chronologically, provide a multilayered narrative and advance critical perspectives on several themes in contemporary Western fitness. Chapters such as “Working,” “Having Sex,” and “Fighting” follow introductory sections that establish context for recent historical dynamics. Translated by Alex Skinner, the book is written in a clear and authoritative style that allows Martschukat's interpretative stance to reach a wide academic audience.Comparative material on German history and culture comes as a welcome supplement to more well-covered American narratives. For Martschukat, what unites the story of fit bodies across contemporary Western societies is neoliberalism and the biopolitics of capitalist market forces. Evolving from eighteenth- and nineteenth-century concepts of liberalism and Darwinian competition, today's obsessions with working on oneself allow advocates to express their value as productive members of society. Civic recognition follows those who “can credibly show that they invest in themselves, work on themselves, and know how to tap their own potential” (17) as opposed to others who cannot meet these modern demands.Martschukat's overtly negative take on fitness culture distinguishes his study from other recent monographs. Unfortunately, this creates opportunities for ideological heavy-handedness and overgeneralization that too often disrupt his argument. Turn-of-the-twentieth-century fitness and the media empire of Bernarr Macfadden is an example of neoliberal white male supremacy until in subsequent paragraphs it is not, and the accomplishments of women and minority groups are briefly addressed. In another chapter, Martschukat breezes from an early 1980s report in Der Spiegel on corporate workout programs to United States’ welfare reform in 1996, all examples of “mak[ing] citizens responsible for themselves as market actors, rather than protecting them from market risks through social safeguards” (63). Such forceful narration may convince readers already committed to Martschukat's brand of political engagement, but too many are left wondering whether his ideological boogeyman hunting actually explains change over time. He seems to realize this by the middle of the book, offering up a compelling chapter that links Viagra to historic and contemporary fitness culture, but he excuses himself in conclusion that “race as a category has received less attention so far in this chapter” (103). Perhaps Skinner's translation is partly to blame for the book's often jarring and obtrusive identity-based posturing, but Martschukat cannot escape entirely for failing to produce a more elegant, or at least more consistent, historical treatise.Unsurprisingly, therefore, the book's final chapter on the Western physical hero repeats familiar tropes about the late twentieth century and the “backlash” of muscular Americanism associated with the era of President Ronald Reagan. Meanwhile, examples that could complicate this interpretation are passed over. For example, Jane Fonda and the explosion of female fitness in the 1980s is given one sentence. In the end, The Age of Fitness too often substitutes academic synthesis and critical consensus for historical precision in the manner of an exciting online read but one that ultimately fails as an honest study of its subject matter. Readers expecting a carefully nuanced overview and argument are better served elsewhere.

Darwin's theory of evolution has been the cause of great distress and the subject of intense and constant debates among Jews, Christians and Muslims. The article analyzes why and how Sunni Muslim-Arab modernist-apologetic scholars, whose approach emphasizes the compatibility of Islam with empirical sciences, shifted from reluctantly reconciling the theory of evolution with the Qur'an in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to rejecting Darwin as a fabricator and describing his theory as a Christian aberration in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Through a comparative survey that focuses on the works of Ḥusayn al-Jisr (d. 1909), Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā (d. 1935), Muḥammad al-Ghazālī (d. 1996), Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī (b. 1926) and Muḥammad ʿImāra (b. 1931), the article suggests that this shift corresponded with changes in the American anti-evolutionist discourse, and that, while contemporary modernist-apologetic literature casts Darwin as illegitimate, it does not close the door to a future acceptance of the theory of evolution.

7 - Regenerated protein fibres: a preliminary review

Este artigo procura alinhavar o contexto econômico e político da segunda metade do século XX à discussão sobre democracia e participação social, a fim de analisar criticamente arranjos institucionais, como os conselhos econômicos e sociais, que é uma alternativa para a ampliação do diálogo social. As políticas neoliberais implementadas no final do séc. XX e início do séc. XXI têm levado a democracia representativa à crise de legitimidade, que é um problema, porque tende a distanciar a sociedade de seus governantes e, ao mesmo tempo, viabilizar a implementação de políticas favoráveis à elite influente. Uma das alternativas frequentemente apontadas para resolver ou amenizar essa questão é a maior participação social e, dentro disso, a criação de um diálogo social institucionalizado. Com base na experiência dos conselhos econômicos e sociais, este artigo questiona essa saída para superar a crise da democracia representativa. Argumenta-se que sua raiz está no neoliberalismo porque, ao reduzir a regulação estatal e aprofundar a desigualdade social, libera o poder econômico para capturar de diversas maneiras os representantes políticos. Isso pode contaminar os espaços democráticos representativos e os diálogos alternativos, além de ampliar a possibilidade de torná-los instâncias meramente legitimadoras de seus interesses, como parece ser o caso dos conselhos econômicos e sociais.

Existing research demonstrates that the mainstream media produces and reproduces highly stigmatising representations of social housing. Such representations are largely underpinned by a moral underclass discourse, which blames individuals’ social exclusion on their own moral deficiencies. However, since the COVID-19 pandemic, social, economic, and political contexts have changed significantly, and problems that were once perceived to be the result of individuals’ deficits are increasingly viewed as being beyond their control. It is therefore timely to revisit representations of social housing in the mainstream media, to examine whether such representations have also changed in line with shifting social and economic contexts. To this end, this article examines mainstream media representations of social housing in the Australian state of Queensland before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our findings highlight important changes in the discourses invoked in the media articles, underpinned by a shift in who is perceived as being socially excluded and why.

A collection of case studies which provides an insight into the changing nature of tourism in Western Europe is presented. A recurring theme of the book is that new patterns of tourism have emerged as a result of changing ideologies and cultural valuations, rather than in response to consumer trends. The cases are divided into three sections covering: the political context (4 chapters); the economic context (3 chapters) and the sociocultural context (3 chapters).

The media has played a significant role in disseminating feminist ideas and politics over the last two decades. Early studies in the field often suggested that all media coverage was anti-feminist and criticized cultural texts for degrading women by constructing conventional and subordinate subjectivities that reinforced patriarchal values. This view conceives as an enemy and stems from a belief that all media is corrupt and unable to construct anything but the most dominant stereotypical images. Since the last decade, as work in cultural studies and post-structuralist theory demonstrates, however, the whole notion of corruption masks the ways in which industries and political struggles work in the late twentieth century. All texts, knowledge, and political practices are constructed within competing social, political, and economic contexts of industries. As some feminist researchers acknowledged in the 1970s, it is not enough to dismiss as merely serving the complementary systems of capitalism and patriarchy, they argued that popular can also be seen as site where meanings are contested and where dominant ideologies can be disturbed (Gamman and Marshment 1). Following this argument, I would further argue that allows ways of disseminating feminist ideas and theories without placing them in total opposition to contemporary culture. To demonstrate the possible ways in which feminist discourses can engage with the popular, I will proceed in two stages: first, an overview of the development of feminist critique within cultural studies, which challenged the early work done by the pioneers of cultural studies; second, an examination of some cultural texts, aiming to show that feminist discourses have been incorporated into and commercial discourses to the extent that they help discard the myth of female passivity. This interaction with the has opened up a space for women to represent a female point of view in a male-dominated sphere. I would argue that some cultural forms allow ways and provide an outlet for women's voices which might then serve as a basis from which to develop feminist politics among shifting definitions of feminism. Among a range of cultural forms, I have chosen to examine a particular one, the women's magazine, to illustrate my argument. Two Turkish women's magazines are the focus of the examination. Emergence of Feminist Critique of Popular Culture within Cultural Studies Feminism and have had an ambiguous relation, and as Morag Shiach puts it, the terms are not parallel: one designates a political space, the other an object of study (331). Yet Shiach points out that popular culture is a broad term which carries within it a series of debates about political legitimacy, class identity, and cultural value, which inform the theoretical framework and the methodological procedures of cultural studies. She finds these associations problematic for and states that 'popular culture' as an institutional space, and as a political concept, embodies definitions of class identity, historical change and political struggle which are often blind to the questions of feminism (331). This view was also dominant in the early works of cultural studies scholars. In order to understand the terms in which feminist critics have intervened in these studies, it is important to start with the history of cultural studies. In relation to culture, the pioneering work of cultural studies, such as Richard Hoggart (The Uses of Literacy), Raymond Williams (Culture and Society), or E. P. Thompson (The Making of the English Working Class) emphasizes distinctive ways of theorizing cultural hierarchies, which select cultural forms that exclude or marginalize women, and describe them as representative of the typical working-class condition (Shiach 335). Their work played a significant role in shaping the work of the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, whose analyses of as a site of resistance appeared to form the institutional and academic understandings of in the 1970s. …