Black Puritan, Black Republican

This thesis explores the question Ian Baucom poses—“whether the now will or will not accept the property it has inherited in its what-has-beens” (Specters 330)—as a way to read Lawrence Hill’s novel The Book of Negroes (2007) now. It seeks to investigate how Hill’s novel reconfigures a black history and recalibrates history’s conception of black people to enable us to remember specters of the Atlantic. It attempts to examine how fragments of subaltern histories may challenge the authority of a white history and how we may read forms of subaltern historical agency in each of the specific historical moments represented in Hill’s novel. By representing the protagonist Aminata Diallo involvement in a series of historic events—including but not limited to the Atlantic slave trade, the American Revolutionary War, black Loyalist history, and the British abolition of the slave trade—Hill’s novel places specific demands on its readers. In addressing this topic, this thesis project consequently argues that Aminata’s story would, through the act of reading, continually be evoked and renewed beyond her moment of enunciation. There are three chapters in this thesis. Chapter One underlines the inadequacy of official representations of the British bicentenary commemoration of the abolition of the slave trade held in 2007. It accentuates Ian Baucom’s contention that “[t]he question . . . is not whether the present is or is not host to its various ‘pasts,’ but whether the now will or will not accept the property it has inherited in its what-has-beens” (Specters 330) as the problematic and the task of this thesis project as a whole. This chapter accordingly asks: how could Baucom’s concept of “the long twentieth century” enable us to recognize our inherited historical responsibility? And in what ways could we read a black history with a renewed sense of scrutiny? Chapter Two turns to Hill’s novel The Book of Negroes to investigate its reformulation of a black history as a way of remembering the specters of the Atlantic. It explores how Hill’s novel continues in various ways to problematize forms of power enacted in an authorized history and how a black history may nevertheless be read otherwise. This chapter contends that the novel’s representation of Aminata Diallo’s particularity does not simply testify against the violence wrought by the British in black Loyalist history, but, through her experience, brings into question her story at large. Chapter Three concludes this thesis by underlining its central concern with a critical project of remembering. It seeks to rethink the issue of creolization as viewed through Rinaldo Walcott’s creolized pedagogy engaged with the lived trauma of slavery and, consequently, attempts to answer the question: what would constitute an adequate way to read Hill’s novel in the present? In doing so, this thesis hopes to generate further questions about the meanings of the past, opening up new avenues to learn to engage with a past that refuses to be settled.

Prince Hall was enslaved in Massachusetts and trained as an artisanal leatherworker. He was apparently granted a great deal of physical and mental freedom by his enslaver, as he managed to join a Congregational Church and start his own Freemasons Lodge. When the fighting started in the American War of Independence, Hall became a prominent voice in the cause of freeing all those enslaved in the colony. Hall was also an early advocate of the “back to Africa” movement, wanting to return to a continent he had probably never been to. As such, he wanted to fight for the cause of American independence, expecting it to lead to African American independence too. The colonists’ war to secure what they saw as their natural rights raised the obvious question of the natural rights of enslaved people in the British colonies too, and Hall was inspired by the rhetoric found in the Declaration of Independence to ask the Massachusetts Legislature to grant the freedom of all those enslaved in the colony.

This study explored whether affectively oriented forms of communication are accorded the same significance in the friendships of Asian and African Americans as they are in the friendships of European Americans. Participants (72 Asian American men and women; 50 African American men and women; and 55 European American men and women) indicated the importance of affectively versus instrumentally oriented communication skills using a revised version of the authors’ Communication Functions Questionnaire. Results indicated a complex pattern of differences due to ethnicity, sex, and type of communication skill. In particular, European American women viewed the affectively oriented skills of their same-sex friends as more important than did African American women. These and related findings are discussed in terms of the role communication plays in friendships, and how this role is moderated by ethnicity and sex.

(1988). Mahan, Sea Power, and the War for American Independence. The International History Review: Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 59-67.

During the American Revolutionary War, all of the colonies in British North America maintained slavery as an institution. New Hampshire in particular made a major profit off slave trafficking because the colonial government did not impose a tariff on enslaved people brought from Africa, thus encouraging slave traffickers to bring their captives to the colony to be distributed throughout the Atlantic coast. The hypocrisy of colonists fighting for their natural rights while enslaving Africans was not lost on many people in British America, however. In 1779, twenty Africans in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, brought from Africa into slavery, demanded their freedom based on the religious and political principles espoused by the British colonists. One of the petitioners, Prince Whipple, had fought at the Battle of Saratoga along with his enslaver, William Whipple, one of New Hampshire’s signers of the Declaration of Independence.

This readable and informative survey, including both new research and synthesis, provides the first close comparison of race, class and internationalism in the British and American women's movements during this period. Sisterhood Questioned assesses the nature and impact of divisions in the twentieth century American and British women's movements. In this lucidly written study, Christine Bolt sheds new light on these differences, which flourished in an era of political reaction, economic insecurity, polarizing nationalism and resurgent anti-feminism. The author reveals how the conflicts were seized upon and publicised by contemporaries, and how the activists themselves were forced to confront the increasingly complex tensions. Drawing on a wide range of sources, the author demonstrates that women in the twentieth century continued to co-operate despite these divisions, and that feminist movements remained active right up to and beyond the reformist 1960s. It is invaluable reading for all those with an interest in American history, British history or women's studies.

Socioeconomic differences in smoking over time and across national contexts are poorly understood. We assessed the magnitude of relative and absolute social class differences in smoking in cohorts from Britain, Finland, and Japan over 5-7 years. The British Whitehall II study (n = 4350), Finnish Helsinki Health Study (n = 6328), and Japanese Civil Servants Study (n = 1993) all included employed men and women aged 35-68 at baseline in 1997-2002. Follow-up was in 2003-2007 (mean follow-up 5.1, 6.5, and 3.6 years, respectively). Occupational social class (managers, professionals and clerical employees) was measured at baseline. Current smoking and covariates (age, marital status, body mass index, and self-rated health) were measured at baseline and follow-up. We assessed relative social class differences using the Relative Index of Inequality and absolute differences using the Slope Index of Inequality. Social class differences in smoking were found in Britain and Finland, but not in Japan. Age-adjusted relative differences at baseline ranged from Relative Index of Inequality 3.08 (95% confidence interval 1.99-4.78) among Finnish men to 2.32 (1.24-4.32) among British women, with differences at follow-up greater by 8%-58%. Absolute differences remained stable and varied from Slope Index of Inequality 0.27 (0.15-0.40) among Finnish men to 0.10 (0.03-0.16) among British women. Further adjustment for covariates had modest effects on inequality indices. Large social class differences in smoking persisted among British and Finnish men and women, with widening tendencies in relative differences over time. No differences could be confirmed among Japanese men or women. Changes over time in social class differences in smoking are poorly understood across countries. Our study focused on employees from Britain, Finland and Japan, and found relative and absolute and class differences among British and Finnish men and women. Key covariates had modest effects on the differences. Relative differences tended to widen over the 4- to 7-year follow-up, whereas absolute differences remained stable. In contrast, class differences in smoking among Japanese men or women were not found. Britain and Finland are at the late stage of the smoking epidemic model, whereas Japan may not follow the same model.

'English Men Went Head to Head with their Own Brethren': The Welsh Ballad-Singers and the War of American Independence

Prior to the nineteenth century the more lucrative public offices under the direct control of the Crown as part of the civil list were given as sinecures to favoured individuals. The use of these sinecures, pensions and other valuable appointments provided the Crown with the means by which it could buy influence and, thereby, undermine the constitutional authority and independence of parliament. In the main, civilian officers of the Crown were not accountable to parliament. Financial accountability for spending on the civil list was sporadic, without sufficient enforcement mechanisms and, therefore, a threat to the liberty of all “Englishmen". The financial and political strains that the American War of Independence placed upon England, combined with the abuse of patronage privileges by the Crown, provoked a movement for economical reform, most often associated with Edmund Burke, which sought the reform of both the civil list and executive accounts as protections for liberty. Crucial to convincing the government of the urgency of reform were reports from the Commissioners for Examining the Public Accounts.

Retirement can be defined as a socially acceptable removal of oneself from the workplace [1]. The purpose of this study was to explore the subjective retirement experiences of a group of German and American men and women. More specifically, we examined the sources of satisfaction and concern, coping strategies, and the sources of support of our participants. We conducted in-depth interviews of 20 American and 27 German men and women (between the ages of 50 and 82) who volunteered to participate in this study. Analysis of responses resulted in the identification of several similarities as well as differences between German and US participants. The nature of identified similarities and differences in concerns regarding health and health care, finances, relationships, and keeping active are discussed in relation to the literature.

The Dutch share in the Atlantic slave trade has been assessed largely by means of speculation. This article relies extensively on documents of the Dutch West Indian Companies (WIC), which maintained a dozen or more trading stations on the Guinea Coast, and became the principal agents of the Dutch slaving activities. For approximately 16 years (1630–1795), the Dutch played a substantial role in the Atlantic slave trade. Based on the combined criteria of available documentary evidence and fluctuating techniques of the trade, the Dutch slave trade has been outlined in three successive stages, viz. the monopoly of the first WIC (1630–74), the monopoly of the second WIC (1675–1734), and the free trade period (1735–95). Information on the first period is scarce, leaving much to speculation, but for the years after 1675 a reliable assessment is possible.On the whole, the Dutch share constituted about 10 per cent of the overall Atlantic slave trade. Annual averages (calculated by decades) ranged from less than a thousand to over 6,000 slaves. During selected years in the 1630s and 1640s, the Dutch may have become the single most active slave trading nation, but toward the end of the seventeenth century the Dutch trade stagnated while other nations drastically increased their volume. When the WIC began to relinquish its monopoly of the slave trade (1730), the volume of the Dutch trade increased until it reached its peak during the 1760s and early 1770s. As a result of the American Revolutionary War and the ensuing Anglo-Dutch war, Holland's participation in the slave trade virtually came to a halt. Feeble efforts to revivie the trade in subsequent decades failed as a result of the unstable political situation in Europe following the revolution in France and also due to the movement to suppress the slave trade.

The Illicit Trade & Conflict Connection: Insights from U.S. History

International Bibliography of Historical Sciences. Edited by the International Committee. The Gospel in the Early Church. By James Mackinnon. The Making of Europe: an Introduction to the History of European Unity. By Christopher Dawson. Byzantine Civilisation. By Steven Runciman. France and Germany: The History of One Thousand Years. By Johannes Haller. La France et L'Allemagne depuis dix Siècles. Par Gastin Zeller. Borough and Town: a Study of Urban Origins in England. By Carl, Stephenson. Verfassungsgeschichte Londons, 1066–1288. 1929. vi + 143 pp. R.M. 5.80. London unter Eduard I and II. Band I, Untersuchungen; Band IT, Texte. 1933. 251 and 293 pp. R.M. 21 (sewn), 24 (bound), for the two vols. By Martin Weinbaum. Scottish Abbeys and Social Life. By G. G. Coulton. The Cambridge Medieval History. Edited by J. R. Tanner, C. W. Previte‐Orton and Z. N. Brooke. The influence of the Commons on early legislation: a study of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By H. L. Gray. The Register of Richard Fox, Lord Bishop of Durham, 1494–1501. Edited by Marjorie Peers Howden. The Second Hundred Years' War. (Berkshire Studies in World History.) By A. H. Buffinton. A History of Europe: Vols. ii and in, 1494–1815. By Andrew Browning and D. B. Horn. Le Commerce Francais à Seville et Cadix au Temps des Habsbourg. 1932. 604 pp. 50 fr. La Ilivalité Commerciale et Maritime entre Seville et Cadix jus qu'à la Fin du XVIIIe Siècle. 1932. 119 pp. 18 fr. Par Albert Girard. Sir Francis Drake. Par Léon Lemonnier. Les relations Anglo‐Hollandaises au debut du XVIlla siècle, d'apres la correspondance d'Alexandre Stanhope, 1700–1706. By Gabryelle van den Hautte. Hudson's Bay Company. By R. R. Pinkerton. The Founding of Churchill, being the journal of Captain James Knight, Governor‐in‐chief in Hudson Bay from July 14 to September 13, 1717. Edited by J. F. KENNEY. England and America. By C. H. Van Tyne. The War of Independence: American Phase. By C. H. Van Tyne. The American War of Independence. By Lieutenant‐Colonel F. E. Whitton. David Hartley, M.P., an Advocate of Conciliation, 1774–1783. By G. H. Guttridge. British Opinion and the American Revolution. By Dora Mae Clark. 1930. A Hundred Years of Catholic Emancipation, 1829–1929. By Denis Gwynn. Catholic Emancipation, 1829 to 1929. Essays by various writers, with an introduction by Cardinal Bourne. The History of the Anglo‐Catholic Revival, from 1845. By W. J. Sparrow Simpson. The Novel and the Oxford Movement. By Joseph Ellis Baker. Franklin Pierce. By R. F. Nichols. The Mission to Spain of Pierre Soulé, 1853–1855. A study in the Cuban diplomacy of the United States. By Amos A. Ettinger. Histoire du Peuple Anglais au XIXe Siècle.‐Epilogue (1895–1914). Tome II, Vers la dèmocratic sociale et vers la guerre (1905–1914). Par Elie Halevy.

Congress a den of self-serving scoundrels but heaped praise on George Washington, the American Cincinnatus. The general personified the dilemma that faced many Britons during the conflict: he was a quintessential English-American gentleman, despite being the enemy. He represented much of what the British Atlantic community thought admirable while commanding an army in a cause that many Britons believed would ruin the empire. He had fought for king and country in the Seven Years' War and had even served with a number of the British officers who commanded the king's troops during the War of Independence. He was not from New England and so was not tarred with the radicalism most Britons associated with the region and blamed for the outbreak of hostilities.1 Nor was he a professional soldier. Instead, Washington was a successful member of Virginia's planting elite, thus having much in common with the country gentlemen who

Journal Article Revolution Downeast: The War for American Independence in Maine. By James S. Leamon. (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press and Maine Historical Society, 1993. xviii, 302 pp. $29.95, ISBN 0-87023-823-X.) Get access Charles E. Clark Charles E. Clark University of New Hampshire, Durham, New Hampshire Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 81, Issue 2, September 1994, Page 660, https://doi.org/10.2307/2081221 Published: 01 September 1994