This special issue of JEMAHS with a focus on imperial architecture and identity is an elaboration of a workshop that took place at the University of Helsinki's Centre of Excellence in Ancient Near Eastern Empires and brought together scholars from different disciplines—architecture, archaeology, history, social science, and heritage studies—to discuss new interdisciplinary approaches to identities in past societies and the role of architecture in shaping them. Over the last centuries, imperial architecture has been extensively researched in both classical and Near Eastern archaeology as a separate, independent subject. While previously this field may have been perceived as “old fashioned” and “elite focused,” the more recent expanding geographical horizon of eastern Mediterranean studies, increasing utilization of anthropological evidence, and broader theoretical and methodological advances shifted the perspective for studies of imperial architecture and its role in shaping community identities.The early exploration and study of imperial architecture left behind impressive scholarly tomes emphasizing the buildings' origins, that is, exactly how and when they were built, and their historical connections. Regarding their features and associated artifacts, the focus was on those elements considered of significance to their excavators. This included artistic elements (e.g., reliefs, capitals), artifacts of precious and nonlocal materials (e.g., gold, ivory, imported wares), and text-bearing objects (like clay tablets or inscriptions; see, e.g., Orient-Comité 1898; Dörpfeld 1902; Kohl and Watzinger 1916). The preponderance of the material-culture assemblage was relegated to a supporting role in dating, or even more often simply went unrecorded. With a lesser focus on stratigraphy and contextual materials in the fieldwork, interpretations were often based on art-historical and typological parallels or textually recorded histories (see, e.g., Baird 2007 for room identifications in early excavations at Dura Europos). To be sure, from the perspective of an architectural historian the products of these early modern expeditions are still very much relevant today. However, they have also become historical documents of their own, often showing signs of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century colonialist attitudes (Fig. 1).The age of these large-scale investigations, in which hectares of sites were often exposed and documented in a matter of years, is long over, and the eastern Mediterranean is full of excavation projects that emphasize interdisciplinary approaches from the start, practices which are more inclusive, stratigraphically minded, and have a clear focus on the life of past communities. Likewise, developments in anthropology have contributed to the advancement of postcolonial theories, which can provide a more critical and nuanced analysis of the built environment and its influence on past communities (Yeoh 2003; Segaud 2010; Nitschke and Lorenzon 2020). Studies have highlighted the role of the ruling elite and power structures to convey messages and control social interactions (Moore 2003; Parker Pearson and Richards 1994). More recently, scholars have started to emphasize the longevity of built structures across changing imperial landscapes and their repurposing in those later landscapes (Hamilakis 2007; Olivier 2011; Bille and Sørensen 2016). These wider developments in the field have helped overcome the idea that imperial architecture was connected only to elites, and they favor comparisons between different forms of “imperial” architecture across space and time to highlight the relationship between power and the built environment (Ball 2001; Kolb 2005, 2020; Segaud 2010).Imperial architecture can be defined as specific structural manifestations that facilitate “the maintenance of an empire, including its edges and its infrastructure, and recall … the source of [an empire's] authority” (Leach 2016: 1). This definition is shared by the authors of this issue with the caveat that the types of imperial buildings are not confined to certain functions or geographies. Buildings associated with the word “imperial” are often considered to be monumental by definition, that is, “designed to be recognized, expressed by their scale or elaboration, even though their meanings may not be understood by all members of a society” (Moore 1996: 92; see also Thomas 2007: 2–11 for a detailed discussion of the term “monumental”) (Fig. 2). Aside from the more obvious palaces (see Kertai, this issue), fortification walls, and city gates (see Lorenzon, this issue), architecture associated with religious gatherings (for synagogues, see Bonnie, this issue), and symbols of imperial administration (for libraries, see Lopez Garcia and Bueno Guardia, this issue) can also be included in this category, among many other types of buildings.The social identities of the members of the communities who designed, built, and inhabited these buildings are multifaced and complex but can be understood by the way they were embedded in their social fabric (i.e., Assyrian vs. Aramean; skilled vs. unskilled labor; Jewish vs. Christian). As such, imperial architecture in all its forms is often at the heart of archaeological discussions of community identities—whether social, cultural, or religious—as any individual had more than one identity, which overlapped and/or contrasted with each other. This issue of JEMAHS presents a series of case studies from different areas of the eastern Mediterranean that reassess the role of imperial architecture among a variety of communities. The studies highlight recent developments in the discussion of this topic, ranging in time from Neo-Assyrian to Roman to Islamic and featuring sites in Italy, Greece, Anatolia, the Levant, and Iraq.The built environment is a paradigmatic reflection of a community's identity: it is a material and tangible representation of a people's culture and the setting of social engagements with each other. As such, architecture has often been used as a tool by the polities within empires to convey specific messages of power and cultural narratives (Moore 1996; Grossman 2004; Russell 2016; see also, more generally, Markus 1993; Dale and Burrell 2005). The contributions in this issue use different methods to explore how imperial architecture affected the wider sociocultural context of distinct communities by shaping social interactions and perpetuating political messages as a proxy between designers, beneficiaries, and potential users.As the analysis of imperial architecture often focuses on elite expressions and considers these as representative of the experience and point of view of all members of society, it is essential to include narratives built on different, previously excluded, fields of expertise in order to arrive at a more inclusive understanding of the relationship between identity and the building process (Wescoat and Ousterhout 2012; Buchli 2013; Van Oyen 2015; Stern 2018). These approaches enable scholars and architectural practitioners to dissect a building form's basic components and to answer questions regarding the social context of the production, use, and experience of architecture (Kramer 1982; Rapoport 1990; Gates 2011; Harmanşah 2015). In addition, the exploitation of specific designs and architectural styles may also represent adaptation strategies for a particular natural environment (Anastasio, Gilento, and Parenti 2016; Lorenzon et al. 2020).The four articles in this issue provide evidence of the ways in which these approaches integrate with an empire's need to control the messages conveyed through architecture by its forms and durability, as well as the persistence of building techniques and shapes. Using the case study of the Assyrian capital of Dur-Sharruken established under Sargon II (722–705 BCE), David Kertai explores the problems and politics of the founding of a new city to assess the role of architecture in establishing royal identities and the nature of innovation and tradition within the Assyrian empire. By using royal inscriptions and archaeological data, this article critically assesses the relationship between power, the urban environment, and the landscape.Marta Lorenzon explores the Iron Age city gates of Sa'mal/Zincirli, Carchemish, Til Barsip/Tell Ahmar, and Melid/Arslantepe from the perspective of design and materiality, thereby emphasizing the variety of urban landscapes exercised and experienced by the elite, the builders, and urban communities. The Syro-Anatolian case studies she provides illustrate how city gates as public architecture forged and maintained identities, first as a proxy for the ruling elite and then as part of the imperial program during the Iron Age. The contribution also explores the agency of the builders in the creation of built spaces during the early Iron Age.By combining literary and archaeological evidence to discuss a multitude of examples in Rome, Greece, and Anatolia, Antonio Lopez Garcia and Miriam Bueno Guardia explore the question of the spread and functioning of libraries within the Roman Empire and specifically their significance within the provincial communities of Anatolia. They emphasize in their discussion of the evidence the multifunctionality of these buildings, including as spaces for meetings, administration, and religion, while also arguing that it remains unclear to what extent the libraries found in the eastern provinces were accessible to the general public.Finally, using several synagogue sites as examples, Rick Bonnie explores to what extent the synagogues of late antique Galilee continued to live on after their time of initial use and how people built new relationships with these buildings during the early Islamic period and beyond, whether as synagogues, as sites for new functions, or as ruins. The article explores the remains of several synagogue sites in eastern Galilee using archaeological data, medieval Muslim and Jewish traveler accounts, and early modern depictions of the ruins.In closing, we sincerely thank the journal editors Ann Killebrew and Sandra Scham for encouraging us and guiding us through the publication process for this special issue. We would also like to thank Gabriele Faßbeck for her excellent work as a copy editor on these contributions.
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