Championing Change

Historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) in the United States total more than one hundred, including public and private institutions, two-year and four-year schools, medical schools, law schools, and community colleges. These institutions provided educational opportunities to black students during the era of legal segregation when southern white institutions prohibited black students and northern white institutions admitted only a few black students, if any at all. The Higher Education Act of 1965, as amended, defines an HBCU as “any historically black college or university that was established prior to 1964, whose principal mission was, and is, the education of black Americans, and that is accredited by a nationally recognized accrediting agency or association.” The first HBCU, now called Cheyney University, was founded in Pennsylvania in 1837, although most black colleges were founded after the Civil War and are located in the South. Many HBCUs have religious affiliations. The African Methodist Episcopal Church established several schools, including Morris Brown College, Paul Quinn College, Wilberforce University, and Edward Waters College. The Colored Methodist Episcopal Church (renamed the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church in the 1950s) and the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church set up black colleges as well. Northern white benevolent groups, including the American Missionary Association and the Presbyterian Board of Missions for Freedmen, also founded black colleges. Black colleges stand out for the social, cultural, political, and economic contributions they have made to the world. Some of the most well-known writers and artists of the Harlem Renaissance, including Langston Hughes and James Weldon Johnson received their training at HBCUs. Six historically black Greek-lettered organizations were founded on black college campuses. A host of the most successful coaches and athletes in American history developed their skills and set records at these institutions. Despite these successes, many HBCUs faced extreme financial hardship and declining enrollment beginning in the 1970s because of desegregation in higher education. Interestingly, black students began to enroll at white institutions in large numbers during this period because of the successful efforts of HBCU graduates to dismantle Jim Crow. In the 21st century, HBCUs enroll students of every ethnicity and nationality. The list of HBCU alumni who have made significant contributions to the United States and to the world is long. Notable graduates include US Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall, Nobel Prize and Pulitzer Prize–winning author Toni Morrison, US Senator Kamala Harris, and Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s first president.

IntroductionThe past decade has seen an increased presence of online educational platforms as a widespread mode for mass education evidenced by the growing popularity of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs). Unsurprisingly, The New York Times deemed 2012 the year of the MOOC. These online platforms have enlivened a national conversation on innovation and a debate on their effectiveness in achieving the United States' postsecondary education goals. This article examines the extent to which historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) can participate in this conversation by reviewing the extant literature on distance learning technologies at HBCUs and the available data on technological infrastructure at HBCUs using the National Center for Education Statistics' Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System. Rather than solely joining the bandwagon, these authors suggest that HBCU leaders are in a suitable position to serve as advocates to bridge the persistent (racial) digital divide in the nation; a necessary first step if one is to envision MOOCs as a suitable supplement for education.As an emerging phenomenon in higher education, MOOCs persist without a stable definition (Baggaley, 2013). For this article, the authors define MOOCs as online courses offered through mediated agreements, and hosted in partnerships with companies such as Coursera (coursera.org), Udacity (udacity.com), edX (edX.org), NovoEd formerly Venture Labs (novoed.com or venture-lab.org), and Udemy (udemy.com; Billington & Fronmueller, 2013). MOOCs, unlike other forms of online education, are free, and aim to enroll thousands of students. Additionally, unlike the traditional models of online education, MOOCs engage with the flipped classroom model where instructors opt to act more like a tutor walking among the students rather than a sage on the stage performing a monologue (Voss, 2013, p. 23).Therefore, the question is asked, what is the capacity of HBCUs to integrate MOOCs into their learning models? Also, will MOOCs serve as an enhancement to HBCU campuses, their missions, and their students? In this article, these questions are answered by focusing on two key issues undergirding the assumption of MOOCs potential to innovate the future of higher education. First, the authors forefront the lack of adequate extant data (mis)used to claim that MOOCs can be effective throughout the varied institutional contexts of higher education. Secondly, attention is drawn to the national digital divide that hinders the potential for MOOCs to effectively succeed. Using these two propositions, the aim is to temper the knee-jerk disposition to believe that MOOCs can serve as a panacea for higher education's challenges.MethodologyThe basis of this article is a comprehensive literature review pertaining to HBCUs and MOOCs, supplemented with national data. A systematic approach is used to crafting a literature review. This approach is important as this is the first article to examine the topics of MOOCs within the HBCU context. This study is laying the foundation for future research. The literature review is divided into three sections that provide a landscape and delve deeper into the needs and concerns of key constituents on HBCU campuses. Section one focuses on the literature pertaining to MOOCs overall, the rise of technology on college campuses, including the HBCU context. Section two pertains to these general topics but examines the role and needs of faculty with this context. Finally, section three of the literature review considers the student and his or her learning and role in the potential adoption of MOOCs on HBCU campuses. In addition to a focus specifically on HBCUs, the authors also consider the overarching digital divide in the United States as well as the lack of data to make good decisions about the adoption of MOOCs at HBCUs. This comprehensive literature review leads to a set of recommendations for HBCUs to consider when thinking about adopting MOOCs as a part of their curricula or partnering with MOOC platforms. …

Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) play a foundational role in promoting equality in U.S. higher education and society. Studying faculty transitions and research dynamics at HBCUs is crucial to understanding and addressing these institutions’ challenges, such as the brain drain and its relationships with faculty research practices. By tracking the affiliation changes of 139 professors and their research outcomes (consisting of 4,269 publications) and comparing them with a matched control group with similar backgrounds, we revealed a moving penalty for professors moving from Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) to HBCUs, who experienced declines in research productivity and citation impact. In contrast, professors transitioning from HBCUs to PWIs benefited from the moving premium of increasing high-impact publications. Professors at HBCUs tend to increase their collaborations with PWIs before transitioning, while those moving to PWIs reduce their collaborations with HBCUs. Our findings highlight the ongoing challenges HBCUs face and underscore the need for comprehensive strategies to strengthen these institutions’ research functionality and ultimately their overall academic standing.

Este estudio examina el papel que las Universidades Históricamente Negras (HBCU) juegan en el panorama educativo de los SIG en los Estados Unidos. Una investigación de las páginas web institucionales de las HBCU se utilizó para desarrollar una base de datos de SIG y cursos geoespaciales relacionados, concentraciones, grados, y departamentos ofreciendo estos cursos. La revisión de esta información indica fuertes diferencias en el acceso a la educación en SIG para estudiantes entre el medio rural y urbano, community colleges y universidades, y las HBCU tanto públicas como privadas. La disponibilidad de la tecnología SIG en las HBCU y en otras instituciones de educación superior se contrastó también al examinar la existencia de una brecha tecnológica y los datos muestran que las HBCU se han mantenido a la par con otras instituciones en introducir los SIG en su currículo. Información de un estudio similar realizado hace casi una década (Padgett y Crayton 2001) fue utilizada para determinar los avances en las ofertas educativas de SIG en las HBCU en el pasado reciente. A la vez que las tendencias de adquirir un empleo para los graduados de geografía muestran un creciente énfasis en conocimientos técnicos transferibles-como los SIG, la disponibilidad de cursos geoespaciales, programas y certificados en las HBCU son fundamentales para aumentar la diversidad en la geografía como profesión y, a largo plazo, la vitalidad de la geografía como disciplina. Por desgracia, la llegada de los SIG no ha tenido ningún impacto material sobre el establecimiento de programas de geografía en las HBCU.

Historically Black Colleges and Universities' Campus Culture and HIV Prevention Attitudes and Perceptions Among Students Lari Warren-Jeanpiere (bio), Madeline Sutton (bio), and Sandra Jones (bio) African Americans continue to be impacted disproportionately by HIV/AIDS. In 2006, African Americans comprised 13% of the United States population, yet they accounted for 45% of new HIV/AIDS diagnoses (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2008) and the HIV incidence rate was seven times as high for African Americans as for Whites (Hall et al., 2008). AIDS is the leading cause of death among African American women ages 25 to 34, and men ages 25 to 44 (CDC, 2007). Because of the latency period of HIV, many young adults with AIDS may have contracted HIV during adolescence (CDC, 1992). Recent data indicate that HIV is increasing among all adolescents ages 13 to 19 (CDC, 2006). However, African American adolescents account for nearly 70% of all HIV infections among this age group (CDC, 2006). In addition, 57% of the HIV/ AIDS diagnoses among older adolescents ages 20 to 24 were in African Americans (CDC, 2006). In 2005, nearly 39% of U.S. adolescents ages 18 to 24 were enrolled in U.S. colleges and universities, and African Americans comprised 13% of students enrolled in college (National Center for Educational Statistics, 2008). Research suggests that many college students are engaging in risky sexual behaviors such as inconsistent condom use, use of drugs and alcohol during sex, sex with multiple partners (Brown, 2000; Gullette & Lyons, 2006; Opt & Laffredo, 2004; Klein, Geaghan, & MacDonald, 2007), and inadequate safe-sex communication with sexual partners (Freimuth, Hammond, Edgar, McDonald, & Fink, 1992; Thompson-Robinson, et al., 2005), which place them at increased risk for HIV infection. It is likely that some adults with HIV were infected during their college matriculation (Burns & Dillon, 2005). This information is especially pertinent to African American male college students who are disproportionately impacted by HIV infection compared with their nonminority peers (Hightow et al., 2005). Based on these data, students attending historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) warrant special attention when addressing the HIV/AIDS health disparity. Taking into account that African American adolescents are disproportionately impacted by HIV/AIDS, that HBCUs grant 28% of all bachelor's degrees earned by African Americans (U.S. Department of Education, 2004) and that HBCUs have historically produced the majority of the Black leadership pool (Boyd, 2007), HBCUs have the potential to facilitate HIV risk reduction strategies among the campus community and to the broader African American community. [End Page 740] Click for larger view View full resolution Table 1. Characteristics of the HBCUs Whose Students Participated in the Focus Groups, May 2007 to December 2007 Currently, there are 103 public, private, 4-year, and 2-year HBCUs in the United States (U.S. Department of Education, 2007). HBCUs were founded upon, and continue to be united by, the distinct mission of positioning, preparing, and empowering African American students to succeed in what many perceive to be a lack of equity in advancement opportunities for African Americans as compared with Whites (Brown, Donahoo, & Bertrand, 2001). Numerous studies conducted among HBCU students suggest that they may be engaging in sexual behaviors that place them at increased risk of HIV infection, while simultaneously believing that they are not at risk (Bazargan, Kelly, Stein, Husaini, & Bazargan, 2000; Duncan et al., 2002; Payne et al., 2006; Thompson-Robinson et al., 2005). Studies (Przybyla, White, & Goflin, 2007; Ferguson, Quinn, Eng, & Sandelowski, 2006) further identify that the gender ratio imbalance of more women to men on college campuses may contribute to a gender power imbalance, where women may unknowingly or knowingly engage in a sexual relationship with a man who is having sexual relationships with multiple women simultaneously. Studies suggest that sexual network size can have a significant impact on HIV acquisition and transmission (Adimora, Schoenbach, & Doherty, 2007; Hightow et al., 2005). This study aims to fill a critical gap in the literature by examining how sociostructural factors present on HBCU campuses may impact the sexual decision making and HIV protective strategies of students. The purpose of this study was twofold: (1) To assess students' perspectives regarding the sociostructural HIV risk and protective...

This study ascertained historically Black colleges and universities (HBCU) academic leaders' perceptions of equity between HBCU and predominantly White institutions (PWI) health professions school partnerships related to resource capacity, sustainability and scholarship. A focus group was conducted with seven HBCU health professions schools. A survey was sent to their PWI (n=14) partners. Four themes including positive and negative experiences, challenges, and recommendations to continue relationships with the PWIs were identified. Dissemination of the survey to PWIs resulted in no responses. Benefits of the partnerships include increased HBCU publications and PWI efforts to embrace HBCU students. Inequities in the distribution of social resources and of social justice include the fickle nature of partnership, little interest among PWIs in promoting HBCU expansion and independence, a lack of transparency and clarity in communications, and PWI claims of ownership for ideas proposed by the HBCU. Dual institutional appointments were also identified as problematic.

Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) were established during an era of legal segregation in the United States and, by providing access to higher education, added considerably to the progress of millions of Black Americans. Moreover, to the benefit of their students, faculties, staffs, alumni, and local communities, most HBCUs sponsor intercollegiate athletic teams. No doubt on these campuses, student-athletes are under pressure to meet academic and athletic demands. In this chapter, the central narrative is on the academic and athletic experiences of Black male student-athletes matriculating at HBCUs with National Collegiate Athletic Association affiliation. This chapter adds to the extant literature on the athletic status and academic plight of Black male student-athletes at HBCUs.

Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) have served as the foundation of Black education in the United States and have been instrumental in the social and economic advances of the Black community since the Civil War. Students enrolled in and graduating from HBCUs develop and maintain a strong racial identity, a positive self-image, feel connected to others, and ultimately give back to their communities. HBCU students and alumni often challenge normative leadership paradigms to resist inequity and ultimately create social change. Unfortunately, HBCUs are missing from the leadership education conversations despite their historical contributions in teaching leadership and producing leaders. As such, the influence of Black colleges in the areas of social justice, leadership, and leadership development should be carefully examined by leadership educators and researchers. Using the Culturally Responsive Leadership Learning Model (Bertrand Jones, Guthrie, & Osteen, 2016), we consider the ways that HBCUs facilitate the development of students' leadership identity, capacity, and efficacy within the institutional contexts of (1) historical legacy of inclusion/exclusion, (2) compositional diversity, (3) psychological climate, (4) behavioral climate, and (5) organizational/structural aspects. Providing examples of leadership education programs, practices, and policies from HBCUs, we will explore how HBCUs develop Black students' leadership identity, capacity, and efficacy to generate our country's most capable leaders for social justice.

Higher education has long been the cornerstone of success in the United States. Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) have provided educational opportunities to African American students since the late 1800s. HBCUs have produced some of the most influential and successful graduates in all fields of study. HBCUs have produced some of the most influential and successful graduates in all fields of study. Writers like Toni Morrison, current U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King Jr., and entertainment icons like Oprah Winfrey are just a few of the most famous and influential graduates of HBCUs. These graduates have successfully succeeded in their respective fields and indelibly impacted society. HBCUs have also been instrumental in helping to close the achievement gap between African American and white students and have provided a safe and supportive environment for African American students to pursue their educational goals. This paper explores the organizational strategy and marketplace sustainability of HBCUs in the post-COVID-19 competitive higher education marketplace.

This article seeks to point out a discourse history of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) in higher education, to explore the question, “Who is framing the narrative of HBCUs?” The article argues that a Western lens has framed the discussion surrounding HBCUs and points out the discursive history that propagates a “deficit” rhetoric. The article concludes with a discussion of how using an African cosmological lens can aid in excavating what communal meanings may be associated with HBCUs. It is the author’s hope that an exploration of “experience” aids others in finding ways to reframe how we think and subsequently talk about HBCUs.

This article examines the impact of the Knight v. Alabama ruling by looking at undergraduate student demographic data for historically Black Alabama A& M University and Alabama State University and traditionally White Auburn University and the University of Alabama. It also evaluates developments in higher education in Alabama after the Knight decision. Moreover, the article endeavors to determine if the state has been slow in implementing the court's ruling. The decision in the case ultimately held that vestiges of de jure segregation were still extant in Alabama universities and colleges. The federal district court ruled that the state of Alabama needed to take steps to rectify the situation. The court also mandated that Alabama engage in affirmative efforts to eradicate the remaining residue of discrimination and segregation. INTRODUCTION The history of segregation and desegregation in higher education has been well documented in annals of legal history. Segregation and desegregation remain an issue in America, and some wonder if the principles enunciated in Brown will ever truly take hold (Stefkovich & Leas, 1994). With Brown v. Board of Education (1954) serving as the anchor case, desegregation history can be divided into two eras-the old and new. The old-era cases primarily dealt with overturning statesanctioned segregation. Seminal cases from the old era consist of Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), Berea College v. Commonwealth of Kentucky (1908), Missouri ex r el. Gaines v. Canada (1938), Pearson v. Murry (1936), Sipuel v. Oklahoma (1948), McLaurin v. Oklahoma (1950), and Sweatt v. Painter (1950). The new-era cases deal with equity in higher education for historically Black colleges and universities. Some seminal cases of the new era are Adams v. Richardson (1973), Ayers v. Fordice (1997), United States v. Fordice (1992), Geier v. Alexander (1984), United States v. Alabama (1987), Knight v. Alabama (1991), and United States v. Louisiana (1993). REMAINING RESIDUE OF SEGREGATION The federal court ruling in Knight v. Alabama represents the problems of truly integrating educational institutions in the southern states in the modern era. The decision in the case ultimately held that vestiges of de jure segregation still existed in institutions of higher learning in Alabama and that the State of Alabama needed to take steps to rectify the situation. The federal district court ruling in the case mandated that Alabama engage in affirmative efforts to break down the remaining residue of discrimination and segregation, including such affirmative actions as actively recruiting more African American students and faculty to the historically White state schools, ensuring that the historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) within the state receive appropriate resources and funding, and ensuring that White students are recruited for HBCUs and that diversity is promoted at the state's HBCUs. The case of Knight v. Alabama originated from a Title VI compliance investigation of Alabama's public higher education by the U.S. Office of Civil Rights and U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare. In 1981, Governor Fob James and the presidents of the state's public higher education institutions received letters from the U.S. Department of Education alleging that vestiges of the former de jure segregated system remained in the state's universities and colleges, which, if true, was a violation of Title VI. Alabama was directed to submit a plan that would ensure that all remaining residue of segregation would be removed. Nineteen other southern and border states were ordered to prepare plans as well (Brown, 1999; Freer, 1982). After months of unsuccessful negotiations between the Governor's office and the Office of Civil Rights, the Assistant secretary for the Office of Civil Rights sent a letter to Governor James stating that within 10 days of receipt of the letter Alabama must submit a plan or the matter would be referred to the United States justice Department for litigation. …

Although scores of colleges and universities are being hit hard by the economic crisis, historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) are considerably more vulnerable to these financial misfortunes. Efforts to merge or close down HBCUs have grown increasingly stronger due to decreased federal and state budget allowances and changing perceptions about the cultural and academic need for these historical institutions. However, HBCUs continue to play an important role in offering educational opportunities to underrepresented post-secondary populations while maintaining a mission of civic and social justice. Although the mission of these institutions has not changed, societal and financial conditions are constantly evolving. Consequently, if HBCUs are to remain in a position to educate students to become forceful civic and social change agents, strategies for continuing to advance the historic mission must transform. Moreover, as HBCUs become more racially diverse and funding levels decrease, a curriculum shift to an integrated and authentic service learning pedagogy will allow HBCUs a contemporary approach to preparing students to excel in academics and to affect change in their communities.

A highly readable overview of the rich past of historically black colleges and universities, and how their role in higher education is evolving for the future. Historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) have influenced African American lives and communities since 1837.Historically Black Colleges and Universitiesprovides a past and present look at their role in higher education. This volume addresses why these institutions exist, how effective they've been, and if today's 103 HBCUs are still necessary. Special attention is given to the years since 1954 and to desegregation cases such asBrown v. Board of Education,United States v. Fordice, and other judicial decisions. The volume highlights government relations, leadership, and philanthropy as they apply to HBCUs. Also, a chapter provides a case study of the Historically Minority Universities Bioscience and Biotechnology Program Initiative, and a final chapter suggests research agendas for the 21st century.

Despite robust literature on the role of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) in promoting upward mobility for Black college students, little is known about the impact of these institutions on the well-being of Black college students exposed to high-profile anti-Black violence. This qualitative study explored the experiences of 30 Black undergraduate college students exposed to anti-Black violence during 2020. Students were recruited from four HBCUs in the Southeast region of the US. Thematic analysis revealed four major themes: (a) HBCUs as places of refuge, (b) grounds for social activism, (c) Black excellence as a counternarrative to anti-Blackness, and (d) perceptions of personal safety at historically white institutions. Findings suggest HBCUs are essential for supporting the well-being of Black college students in the wake of anti-Black violence and serve as a buffer against the race-related trauma and adverse effects of anti-Black violence exposure. Implications for research and policy are discussed.

Between 2007 and 2022, four-year Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) consistently exhibited lower first-year student retention (FYSR) rates compared to four-year non-profit higher education institutions that are not HBCUs. The average difference over this 14-year period was approximately 14% between 2011 and 2022. The lower FYSR rates at HBCUs may indicate administrative challenges, potentially impacting their ability to provide educational services for Black students effectively. To accomplish this, we analyzed 11,993 students’ online comments from 2010 to 2022 across 53 four-year HBCUs with low FYSR rates. We utilized latent Dirichlet allocation to construct topics and n-grams to identify positive and negative word sequences from each constructed topic. Furthermore, we conducted a university-level regression analysis to examine the relationship between student satisfaction ratings on each topic and FYSR rates. Finally, we discuss strategies to improve the FYSR rates at these HBCUs.