China

Current typologies of migration tend to distinguish sharply between international and internal migration. While some defend this cleavage as vital for emphasizing the politics of international migration, others view it as inhibiting the development of theory by unnecessarily privileging the nation-state as a unit of analysis. The conceptual gap between internal and international migration appears to depend on the level of analysis and context. Where migration behavior involves decisions made by individuals or households, international migration generally is explained as another form of long-distance migration. At the macro-analytic level, however, the context of migration matters. If analysts still view migration in behavioral terms or as a response to population growth or development, international migration remains an extension of long-distance migration. But when analysts emphasize migration in legal or political terms, as an outgrowth of the competition of political economies or as a function of the state’s ability to determine who qualifies for membership, international migration is viewed as differing fundamentally from internal migration. One way to clarify the argument would be to shift to a different cleavage, the distinction between authorized and unauthorized migration, as perhaps more salient to migrants now than the difference between internal and international migration. Unauthorized migration can have enormous consequences for migrants, and as the Chinese hukou system of household registration has shown, it is not confined to international movement.

This article examines the processes of emigration of Mongolian citizens and their problems, including during a pandemic. Research and analysis were carried out in relation to the choice of the country of permanent or temporary residence, gender and age ratio, reasons for emigration, and living conditions. Today the trend is as follows, including during a pandemic, thousands of people move from one country to another and from one region to another, changing cities and places of residence for the sake of well-being, decent wages, in search of better living conditions. However, personal safety, the safety of families and children began to be felt more during the pandemic, this became the reason for the majority of citizens to return home. It has been 20 years since Mongolian citizens began to freely move around the world, for example, according to official data, at the end of 2020, more than 101 thousand Mongolians live and work abroad, one third of which are in South Korea. In the years before the pandemic, the number of Mongols living and working in other countries grew steadily, but due to a number of reasons, including the pandemic, some citizens began to return to their homeland. For example, on the part of employers, there are violations of labor contracts, living conditions, etc. The government of Mongolia has taken a number of measures to return its citizens to their homeland. So, to date, this figure is more than 40 thousand people, leaving work, study, treatment, residence abroad. In this regard, the subject of this research is the study of the emigration process of Mongolian citizens in the context of past periods. The purpose of studying this direction is to study and identify the main difficulties and problems of the emigration process over a twenty-year period and present a comprehensive analysis. Thus, the relevance of this study is to study and clarify the nature of the reasons for the departure of Mongolian citizens from the country. The study and analysis of the emigration of the population has been facilitated to this day by various reasons, such as environmental, political, economic, social, cultural and others. The methodological part of the study included the use of sampling methods, the use of methods for collecting and analyzing data, as well as empirical research. The study of the number of emigrating citizens was carried out in the period from 2010 to 2020, the data of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Mongolia, the official population census and the property fund of the country were compared. Depending on the country of residence, the largest number of people study in India, China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Japan, Germany and Ireland, and leave for permanent residence in Poland, Great Britain and the USA. In countries such as South Korea, the Czech Republic and Hungary, they work more under contracts. Turkey, South Korea, Sweden, Czech Republic, Switzerland and Poland are chosen as self-employment. The studied population group was studied in relation to travel purposes, including: training, permanent residence, contract work, work on a business trip, self-employment, living with family members, etc. The largest number of respondents leave for study, in 2020 their number was 35.8 percent, in second place is self-employment. In terms of the ratio of men and women living abroad, 80 percent are women. Due to the lack of a complete information field, a system for the movement of Mongolian citizens, it is difficult to determine the complete provision on international migration and their employment. There is no assessment of international migration and its situation in general. There is a very general number of different sources on labor migration, where only the total number of Mongols living and working abroad is indicated. Thus, a more transparent system is needed for the formal collection of information on external labor migration, and these are the tasks of emigration, including information on working and living conditions, problems, difficulties and consequences of migration, using them to analyze and develop further political regulation. Thus, we will determine the economic, social, environmental, political and social goals of the emigration outflow of the population. It is worth paying attention to the official and complete collection of data in this area. As suggestions and recommendations, it is necessary to establish an official information base for the governing bodies regarding the international migration of Mongolian citizens.

Internal migration is one of the main demographic processes that determine changes in the population structure in the districts of Moldova. The intensity of internal migration is determined by multiple social and economic factors and the migratory potential of the regions of migrants’ origin. This study analyses internal migration in Moldova at the district level using the National Bureau of Statistics data on permanent residence changes. The results show that the internal migration flows are dominated by the young and working-age population between the age of 15-50, who are mainly involved in rural-urban migration. Among the overall number of internal migrants, females exceed males, which creates a disparity in the sex ratio at certain ages in certain localities. Internal migrants are primarily attracted by the main cities, such as Chisinau and Balti, and by the districts in the vicinity of the capital city. As a result, the population increase in these cities is mainly due to internal migration. The article was elaborated within the State Program Project (2020-2023) 20.80009.0807.21 „Migration, demographic changes, and situation stabilisation policies”.

The municipalities in Slovakia in which the majority of people live in Roma settlements are characterised by several specific features. However, only limited attention has been paid to the process of migration and especially internal migration. The main goal of this article is the analysis of internal migration in selected municipalities with the highest proportion (more than 80%) of people living in Roma settlements. We tried to identify both the total volume and intensity of internal migration from and to the analysed municipalities, along with the available structural characteristics of the persons who changed their permanent residence. The results we obtained confirmed lower migration dynamics in these municipalities. We also found that economic factors do not play a significant role in migration within Slovakia. The most important reasons for migration were housing, for younger people following a family member who migrated, and, in older age groups, health reasons, especially in the case of emigrants. Factors behind the younger age of migrants from and to these municipalities include the fact that these migrants tend to complete education and begin some family transitions (childbearing, marriage) earlier than the majority population. Higher chances of migration were confirmed for more educated persons and, except among younger people, for people who not married. The results also confirmed the relatively narrow geographical area in which migration occurs, with most moves taking place over a short distance.

Is the migration process likely to lead to sustained changes in individual social networks and health status? There are many controversies about the relationship between migrants' networks and migrants' health. An important reason may be that the constraints of specific social contexts on immigrant networks and health consequences are neglected. This study distinguished two types of social networks of international immigrants to China-their Chinese networks (Chinese-Net) and home-country networks (Motherland-Net). In addition, the study investigated the construction basis of immigrant social networks and health effects based on the Chinese context. A cross-sectional survey was conducted in 2017, 2018, and 2019. The survey was carried out by an on-site questionnaire survey of foreigners in China in the entry-exit hall of the National Immigration Administration. The survey asked foreigners about their immigration experience, labor and employment, social networks, and access to health care. Immigrants from more developed countries are more likely to succeed in establishing Chinese-Net and reduce the dependence on Motherland-Net. The Japanese and South Korean immigrants tended to be associated with their home-country compatriots, excluding the Chinese from social contacts and immigration networks. The mixed residence of non-home-country immigrants reduces both the Motherland-Net and Chinese-Net of international immigrants. From the perspective of the health effect, the establishment and expansion of Chinese-Net did not present the "bright side" of encouraging immigrants to reach a better health status. In contrast, Motherland-Net has a stronger explanatory power for the health changes in immigrants.

ObjectivesTo examine the prevalence of seizures, epilepsy, and seropositivity to cysticercosis in rural villagers (cysticercosis-endemic setting), rural-to-urban migrants into a non-endemic urban shantytown, and urban inhabitants of the same non-endemic shanty town.MethodsThree Peruvian populations (n=985) originally recruited into a study about chronic diseases and migration, were studied. These groups included rural inhabitants from an endemic region (n=200), long-term rural-to-urban migrants (n=589), and individuals living in the same urban setting (n=196). Seizure disorders were detected by a survey and a neurologist examined positive respondents. Serum samples from 981/985 individuals were processed for cysticercosis antibodies on immunoblot.ResultsEpilepsy prevalence (per 1,000 people) was 15.3 in the urban group, 35.6 in migrants, and 25 in rural inhabitants. A gradient in cysticercosis antibody seroprevalence was observed: urban 2%, migrant 13.5%, and rural group 18% (p<0.05). A similarly increasing pattern of higher seroprevalence was observed among migrants by age at migration. In rural villagers, there was strong evidence of an association between positive serology and having seizures (p=0.011) but such an association was not observed in long-term migrants or in urban residents. In the entire study population, compared to seronegative participants, those with strong antibody reactions (≥4 antibody bands) were more likely to have epilepsy (p<0.001).ConclusionsIt is not only international migration that affects cysticercosis endemicity; internal migration can also affect patterns of endemicity within an endemic country. The neurologic consequences of cysticercosis infection likely outlast the antibody response for years after rural-to-urban migration.

With a population of 26.4 million in 2011, Nepal is a land-locked, mountainous country located in southern Asia. Nepal has a long history of data collection on internal migration, dating back to the 1961 census. At the most recent census in 2011, questions elicited information on lifetime and recent (five-year) migration, duration of residence, duration of absence and reasons for move. 2011 census data show that Nepalese are moderately mobile with an ACMI approaching 15.2%. This has increased sharply from 8.3% in the five years prior to the 2001 Census. Similar to other Asian nations, they display early and concentrated migration profiles, with peaks at age 21 for men and 22 for women, primarily driven by work and study for males and marriage and family reasons for females. With less than a quarter of its population residing in cities, Nepal is at an early stage in the urban transition and is dominated by rural-to-urban migration. Moderately high levels of migration effectiveness coupled with moderate intensities underpin substantial population redistribution. Owing to the mountainous topography of Nepal, spatial patterns of migration have frequently been disrupted by natural disasters, including floods, landslides and earthquakes, as well as conflict during the Maoist insurgency. The continuing exodus of people from rural and impoverished areas of Nepal due to both internal and international migration has contributed to rapid urban growth as well as massive depopulation in rural areas. Government policy is seeking to stem these flows through a programme of decentralisation.

ABSTRACTThis article examines the experience of crossing legal, political, and socio-cultural boundaries by Japanese migrant women in international marriages in Australia. The data is drawn from oral history interviews with 16 Japanese women living in Australia and married to Australian citizens or permanent residents. Australia is one of the most popular destinations for Japanese emigrants. For Japanese women in particular, applying for permanent residency as a spouse of an Australian citizen or permanent resident has been a popular settlement path. I analyze the women’s negotiations between their perceptions of socio-legal systems constructed in Japan and their newly experienced social reality in Australia. The women’s negotiations reflect their individual ways of crossing boundaries. Their practices of the Japanese socio-legal custom of changing one’s surname at the time of legal marriage provide a focus for the article. I argue that individuals’ experiences of crossing boundaries are shaped by, and embedded in, their personal histories constructed in their land of origin. In this sense, their act of ‘crossing’ means creating a connection between both sides whereby the rigidity of these boundaries is blurred.

Over the past four decades, Mexican immigration has garnered much of the public and legislative attention devoted to reforming immigration policy in the United States (Bean and Lowell 2004). Part of the reason is that Mexicans have constituted the largest of the country’s recent legal immigrant groups. In 2005, for example, 161,445 Mexicans gained legal permanent residency, or 14.4 percent of the all such persons (Office of Immigration Statistics 2006). But much of the focus falls on Mexicans because they comprise such an overwhelming component of unauthorized migration flows. Roughly 300,000 (net) unauthorized Mexicans established de facto U.S. residency in 2005, bringing the total number of unauthorized Mexicans to 6.2 million, or 56 percent of all unauthorized persons in the country (Passel 2006). These numbers dwarf those from any other nation. Moreover, many observers have long argued that policies to curtail or “regularize” unauthorized migration should be adopted before changes in legal immigration policy are considered, thus ensuring that unauthorized Mexican migration occupies a prominent place in any debate over immigration policy (U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform 1994).

The most politically charged demographic change in Arizona in recent decades is the increase in international migrants who lack legal permission to reside in the country. State-level legislation focused on immigrants has received national and international attention, particularly Senate Bill 1070, which passed in Arizona in 2010. This study focuses on estimates of unauthorized migrants in Arizona and how this quantitative information is represented in a major daily newspaper, the Arizona Republic. The essay first describes how estimates of unauthorized migration are generated and summarizes recent changes in the unauthorized migrant population in Arizona and the United States between 1990 and 2010. It then undertakes a qualitative examination of how newspaper reporters use and frame estimates of unauthorized migrants produced by the Pew Hispanic Center, a research organization. Although some features of the newspaper coverage are encouraging, particularly the accurate reporting of specific Pew estimates, the analysis also uncovers evidence of nonneutral usage and framing of the data. These results point to both progress and continued challenges in contemporary media representations of unauthorized migrant populations in a highly charged social, political, and economic context.

People who migrate usually do it for economic, family, or safety concerns. The United Nations Population Bureau estimated that there were 244 million international migrants, including refugees from areas of political turmoil and war in 2015. Migration has a profound impact both on the countries that send as well as receive populations. While migrants may perceive their move as beneficial and empowering, the receiving countries’ response depends on their local sociocultural and political contexts. These factors determine immigration policies, access to benefits, social services and healthcare, employment opportunities, and attitudes toward unauthorized migrants. The migrant experience affects their health over time as their health deteriorates as time in the host country increases. This chapter explores the migrant experience within a historical, sociopolitical context with a focus on social determinants of health and the role of healthcare professionals in providing care that is culturally appropriate.

The migration policies of the former Soviet Union (or USSR) included a virtual abolition of emigration and immigration, an effective ban on private travel abroad, and pervasive bureaucratic controls on internal migration. This article outlines this Soviet package of migration controls and assesses its historical and international distinctiveness through comparison with a liberal state, the United States, and an authoritarian capitalist state, Apartheid South Africa. Soviet limitations onexternalmigration were more restrictive than those of contemporary capitalist states, and Soviet regulation ofinternalmigration was unusual in its direct bureaucratic supervision of the individual. However, Soviet policy did not aim at the suppression of internal migration, but at its complete regularization. The ultimate goal was “regime adherence”: the full integration of the citizen into the Soviet political order. In contrast to the USSR, migration in the contemporary world is marked by “irregularization”: policies that lead to the proliferation of insecure and unauthorized migration.

Challenges for Europe, Economic Well-Being, Development and Social Cohesion

Opening with the story of a long-term resident who remembered once being a newcomer, the fourth chapter moves from the workplace to the neighbourhood. Contestations over place are central. Class, ‘race’ and the right to the city are all at stake. The chapter focuses on the life histories of people who either moved to or grew up in parts of Peterborough that have housed new international migrant arrivals since at least the 1940s. Stories of working-class lives in these neighbourhoods include inter-ethnic mixing, conviviality and racisms. Stereotypes have emerged about ‘eastern Europeans’ that ignore the diversity of subjectivities and identities among the more recent migrants. Demands made by recently arrived international migrants for a voice in city governance and for housing and workplace justice can be seen as struggles over the nature of citizenship. In the context of the ongoing multi-scale quasi-colonial governance of ‘difference’ in Britain, the chapter argues that such citizenship struggles need to be understood alongside (and in relation to) those of other working-class people, including long-term residents and migrants from elsewhere in the UK, and both ethnic minorities and the white British ethnic majority.

We draw on the concept of deportability to show how unauthorized migrants who (used to) live in the Netherlands perceive and experience Dutch internal-control mechanisms. We first conclude that these migrants’ deportability has serious legal, social, and existential effects on them, which they feel long after their return or deportation to their home country. Second, we state that unauthorized migrants evaluate the Dutch internal-control mechanisms as “one system” in which they distinguish three important, interlinked layers, consisting of (1) divergent actors, (2) laws and policies inside and outside the migration control domains located within (3) different geographies. This implies that individual nation-states, through their internal control mechanisms, also contribute to the externalization of migration control at a supranational level. We conclude that the state’s internal migration controls bring about immobility not only in the countries of settlement but also in the transit and home countries.