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This article explores adversity and the lived experiences of Black women in higher education leadership. Using phenomenology, this study specifically explores how Black women in higher education leadership navigate the adverse challenges of intersectionality, stereotype threat, and tokenism. Black women in leadership undergo adversity including limited role models, the concrete ceiling, and the intersectionality of racism, sexism, and ageism, as well as tokenism. The current findings validate that Black women in higher education leadership experience adversity. Some of the more salient codes that emerged were discrimination such as racism, sexism, ageism, and the intersection of these challenges with identity, cultural diversity and belonging, resilience, and leadership callings. Referred to as “superwomen,” Black women are resilient and strong. The results of this study reveal that Black women use adversity as fuel, thus helping them develop the necessary skills to prepare them for leadership. Their strength through adversity is driven by the resilience that has manifested as motivation factors such as family and relationships, mentorship and sponsorship, as well as the support of cultural identity and diversity. The current findings support the notion that adversity shapes Black women into leaders with an emphasis on higher education leadership.

"We Are the Ones Who Are Out in Front": Women'sLeadership in the ImmigrantRightsMovement RuthMilkman and VeronicaTernquez A striking feature of the contemporary immigrant rights move ment in the United States is the extensive presence of women in formal leadership roles. Women are not only highly visible as grass roots and mid-level leaders but also as executive directors of lead ing immigrant rights organizations and in other high-level positions. In this regard, the immigrant rights movement is an anomaly, since men dominate the top leadership roles in most US social movements and the organizations linked to them.1 The immigrant rights movement is national in scope, as was revealed by the massive 2006 street marches across the nation pro testing proposed changes to US immigration law. Prominent female immigrant rights leaders can be found throughout the United States.2 We focus here on the role of female leaders in Los Angeles, where a disproportionate share of immigrant rights organizations are head quartered. Home to the nation's single largest concentration of unau thorized immigrants, southern California has the immigrant move ment's deepest base of popular support. And unlike regions with more diverse foreign-born populations, the immigrant community in the Los Angeles area is highly cohesive, due to its relative linguistic homo geneity: Mexicans and Central Americans comprise the majority of the area's foreign-born population and an even greater proportion of its unauthorized immigrants.3 In recent years, moreover, Los Angeles FeministStudies38, no. 3 (Fall 2012). © 2012 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 723 724 Ruth Milkman and Veronica Terriquez has become the nation's leading laboratory of immigrant labor orga nizing, especially among Latinos.4 The LA immigrant rights movement includes four major seg ments: (a) service-sector labor unions with substantial foreign-born memberships; (b) immigrant hometown associations (HTAs) and ethnic organizations; (c) community-based organizations (CBOs), including "worker centers" as well as umbrella organizations that func tion as coalition-builders; and (d) student immigrant rights groups.5 The nature and extent of women's leadership varies considerably among these segments, as we show below. The variation enriches our analysis, exposing the dynamics of women's leadership in the move ment as a whole. Our inquiry focuses specifically on Latinas, who pre dominate among top-level female immigrant leaders in Los Angeles. The contemporary immigrant rights movement has two key dimensions. It is a civil rights movement, seeking a path to legal status and other fundamental rights for the nation's unauthorized immi grants. But it is also a labor movement, in the broadest sense of the term, promoting economic advancement for immigrants and their children. However, women's prominence among high-level leaders in the immigrant rights movement differentiates it from other US civil rights and labor movements, in which women are typically lim ited to intermediate and lower level positions while men monopolize the top leadership roles.6 In earlier Latino movements, similarly, men comprised the overwhelming majority of high-level leaders, as for example in the United Farm Workers and the Chicano movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Why is the immigrant rights movement different? We propose a three-pronged explanation. First, an ample supplyof female leaders has been generated by the migration process itself—which, as many commentators have noted, often improves the status of female immi grants and draws them into the public sphere. Second, because the immigrant rights movement is relatively new and has grown dramat ically since the late 1980s, it has generated extensive demandfor new leadership—in the context of a late twentieth century political cul ture that is broadly supportive of gender equity. The third factor is the feminist consciousness of immigrant women leaders themselves. Although more often expressed behind closed doors than in public, feminism Ruth Milkman and Veronica Terriquez 725 has served as a vital resource for many of these women, helping them overcome obstacles along the path to leadership roles. Gender and Migration The literature on the gender dynamics of immigration from Latin America to the United States offers a starting point for our analysis. One key finding in that literature is that, despite the difficulties asso ciated with the migration process, it...

Research on the backlash effect predominantly investigated penalties men and women incurred when they violate gender norms in the domain of achievement‐oriented aggressiveness. We investigated backlash reactions towards female versus male leaders' attempts to manage follower emotions using one of two gender‐stereotypic interpersonal emotion management strategies, cognitive change or expression suppression, in a 2×2 vignette experiment in which undergraduate students as participants acted as followers (N = 206). We hypothesized that followers high in explicit or implicit prejudice towards female leadership would be motivated to show backlash in the form of negative attitudes and anger when female leaders use an expression suppression strategy and when male leaders use a cognitive change strategy, violating gender norms. We also explored the role of followers' gender as a boundary condition of backlash reactions towards leaders of the same versus opposite sex. Male participants with negative explicit attitudes towards women leaders in general expressed higher levels of anger towards a female leader who utilized a suppression strategy. Female participants holding implicit stereotypes reported negative attitudes for both female and male leaders who utilized a gender‐incongruent emotion management strategy. We discuss the implications of our findings for theory and research on the backlash effect.

Considerable evidence points to the leadership of women in the early church period (1st–5th centuries). This fact often surprises modern readers, who are often more familiar with various statements of the ancient view of women’s inferiority to men. This article summarizes some of the ancient evidence for the leadership of early Chrisitan women and explains how, to people of the time, this pattern made sense alongside gender norms of women’s subordination. The wider culture encouraged women’s modesty and other traditional feminine virtues while simultaneously encouraging and honoring women patrons and civic leaders. The same pattern appears in early Christian sources, which affirm a gender hierarchy and praise the leadership of women. Women in this period served in a variety of roles that their communities deemed important, including (but not limited to) apostle, prophet, martyr, deacon, and priest. The article cautions against using modern definitions of “leadership” to analyze the ancient sources. The offices and roles of the ancient church were not the same in different geographic locations and changed over time. Nevertheless, women were leaders of various sorts in these churches.

Diversity Matters

This study delves into the remarkable role played by Indian women leaders in politics and government in advancing the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UN SDGs). In a world marked by persistent gender disparities and development challenges, these women leaders have emerged as catalysts for change, demonstrating unparalleled commitment, innovation, and dedication to the pursuit of sustainable development. Through an in-depth analysis of the careers, policies, and initiatives of prominent Indian women leaders, including Late Indira Gandhi, Jayalalithaa, Mamata Banerjee, and others, this chapter sheds light on their unique contributions to addressing critical global challenges. It explores their efforts in areas such as gender equality, poverty eradication, health, education, and environmental sustainability, illustrating how their leadership has significantly advanced progress towards the UN SDGs. This study also looks at the challenges and possibilities these female leaders have faced along the way, highlighting the sociocultural and political factors that have influenced their influence. This study intends to motivate future generations of leaders and policymakers to support social progress, gender equality, and sustainable development by recognizing their accomplishments and lessons gained. Ultimately, this investigation underscores the pivotal role of Indian political and government women leaders in promoting the UN SDGs, illustrating that their contributions have not only transformed their nation but also resonated on the global stage, serving as a testament to the potential of visionary leadership in addressing the world's most pressing challenges. Through different policies, initiatives, and advocacy activities, Indian political and government women leaders have significantly aided in the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations. Some prominent Indian women leaders and their contributions to particular SDGs are investigated for eradicating poverty. In this chapter, the initiatives of a prominent woman leader Mamata Banarjee and her care and concern toward SDG 1 and 2 are comprehended.

From the *Department of Anesthesiology and Critical Care, University of Pennsylvania, Perelman School of Medicine, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania †Penn Center for Perioperative Outcomes, Research and Transformation, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania ‡Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Accepted for publication August 10, 2022. Conflicts of Interest: See Disclosures at the end of the article. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. Address correspondence to Emily A. Vail, MD, MSc, 333 Blockley Hall, 423 Guardian Dr, Philadelphia, PA 19104. Address e-mail to [email protected].

This compilation of scholarly reviews and personal reflections on women and leadership styles focuses on multicultural and organizational issues—empowering information that female leaders can use to break through the glass ceiling. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor are just two of the most visible examples among the hundreds of thousands of women nationwide today in leadership positions. Female leaders at the grassroots to global levels are everywhere, lending credence to the idea that the glass ceiling for women may finally be thinning. This two-volume work provides an exhaustive examination of the scholarly research on women leaders and the leadership philosophies that have enabled their success. Volume one ofWomen as Transformational Leaders: From Grassroots to Global Interestspresents an overview of stereotypes, attributions, and stigma about women leaders that focuses on social and psychological reasons for discrimination against women leaders. The second volume addresses cultural and organizational issues, including global leadership to eliminate violence against women and international insights on women and transformational leadership. The subject of transformational leadership in viewed within several disciplines, including women's studies, religion, the public sector, and private sector, documenting how far women have advanced—and how their leadership style typically differs from that of men.

The imperative for an ongoing review and comprehension of the challenges and methodologies for enhancing diversity and inclusion of women in senior leadership within higher education is well-documented. This study aims to illuminate the perspectives of Emirati women regarding their leadership trajectories, evaluating the effectiveness of current policies, the obstacles encountered, and strategies to advance women’s leadership in higher education. Utilizing a concurrent mixed-methods approach, we collected and analyzed both quantitative and qualitative data from 103 female Emirati leaders in higher education institutions across the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The findings reveal a prevailing sentiment among participants that policies intended to promote Emirati women’s inclusion in senior leadership roles are mostly ineffective. Key challenges identified include barriers to career progression, disparities in institutional support, and pervasive gender biases. However, participants also offered insights into potential strategies to enhance the inclusion of Emirati women in leadership positions, including leadership training programs, robust policy development, and initiatives to improve work–life balance, networking opportunities, and reward systems.

IntroductionThe issue of underrepresentation of women in medical leadership roles, particularly in their retention and long-term engagement, is a pressing challenge in healthcare. Despite advancements in women’s initial entry into...

Purpose –Leadership in building organizations by men and women has its own strengths and weaknesses, but the lack of women's leadership in Indonesia represents gender equality has not been achieved. This study aims to determine the pattern of women's leadership in Indonesia to create gender equality in building a sustainable organization Methodology/approaches – This type of research uses a social research strategy with a simple mix method approach. The target population in this study were members who worked in various private organizations in Bekasi district with female leaders with a sample of 50 respondents. The data statistical method used is descriptive statistics and Partial Least Square (PLS). Findings –This result was confirmed by a data source triangulation approach, namely by interviewing three existing data sources. The results of this study indicate that the pattern of female leadership has not been able to mediate the concept of ideal leadership or the concept of ideal gender equality towards sustainable organizations.However, this research also shows that the concept of ideal leadership and the concept of ideal gender have a positive and significant effect on leadership patterns Novelty/value – women's leadership patterns reflect the concept of ideal leadership and the concept of ideal gender equality needed in a leadership that can lead an organization. Keywords: Leadership pattern, women, gender equality, sustainable organization

PurposeThis research aims to investigate the impact of the use of social media on the organizational form and function in selected local governments of Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines.Design/methodology/approachThis research used quantitative and qualitative methods. The researchers not only conducted comparative– explanatory studies among the three ASEAN cities but also used multiple-informant and secondary data analyses. All variables are operationalized into indicators and transformed into a questionnaire in three languages: English, Indonesian and Thai. Primary data for the research were collected using a cross-sectional survey conducted in Bandung City, Indonesia; Iligan City, the Philippines; and Pukhet City, Thailand.FindingsThis research found that social media use has not yet affected the internal organizational processes in the three cities. Also, social media use is not appropriated as a space for citizen–government interaction. It is used for only information dissemination to the public; social media seems to have been used for only collecting information from citizens but not for involving them in the decision-making process.Research limitations/implicationsThis research covers only three cities in the ASEAN countries, and the findings cannot be generalized to others. Moreover, this research looks at the supply-side dimension or government organization side only. However, the findings confirm that findings of previous research studies that social media use in the local government is only for information dissemination.Practical implicationsLegal bases for social media use could be an urgent matter to address to advance more fundamental changes in government processes.Originality/valueThere is no prior comparative study on the use of social media by local governments in the ASEAN countries. Social media owing to its sense of personalization or sense of community improves communication between citizens and government better than e-government sites; however, as articulated by Mirchandani et al. (2008), social media may hinder rather than facilitate the delivery of services (Mirchandani et al., 2008). This is due to the absence of a legal basis of its use, as well as agreements on the manner of its use, which prevents full integration of social media into the governance process, particularly in the cases of the cities of Iligan, the Philippines, and Phuket, Thailand.

This doctoral thesis was aimed at investigating the social practice of entry and permanence of students from public schools (to a large extent of schools located at the outskirts) in universities, through social and racial quotas, and the discursive representation of this and these students. For this, the relation between discourse, cognition and society was considered. It is ethnographic research, in which I investigated, through the multifactorial method (two methods for collecting and data generation - corpus of reports and interview) this social practice, considering elements that are part of it, such as: speech , cognition, institutions, processes, among others. It should be explained that in a fully polarized scenario in a fully polarized scenario, the renewal of quota policy (affirmative action - AA) will be discussed, for entry into the university. Quotas are criticized by many social actors, mainly by those who deny the need to repair our historical past, a cruel period of colonization and enslavement. What they do not know (or do not want to know) is the importance of quotas in the life of students and the potential of this AA for “route adjustment.” Some social actors also unaware of the determinations of Law 12.711/12, including their own courts are not informed about their rights. Despite the right to entry at the university, through quotas, be based on law, students from public schools are represented and identified by social actors, which are against policy of quotas, such as those who have less income That students are not quoted, as students with serious difficulties of scientific production, such as “enemies” of other students who didn´t enter by quotas, among other representations and identifications. In addition, they are victims of discriminatory practices and racist practices. The student also needs to resist to remain at the university because it suffers from the financial issue, without assistance, feed etc. As a situation of resisting within university, due to institutional racism, due to its own structural racism, due to the fact that the student is coming out of periphery, of being in a situation of poverty, there is evidenced a polarization between WE x THEY. These ideological positions are embodied in the use of language and implicit power relations are usually obscure for different social actors. Thinking of unveiling this and considering the relation with the theme of this doctoral thesis, I undertook an analysis of five online reports and interviews with 32 (thirty-two) participants, among them, students who are studying by quotas, students who have completed the course by quotas and university professors, about this theme. As a research universe, I chose two public universities, one located in the Federal District and another located in Minas Gerais. And as theoretical-methodological contribution, I used the precepts of Critical Discourse Analysis or Critical Discourse Studies (CDA/CDS), a dialectical-relational approach (CHOULIAKAKI; FAIRCLOUGH, 1999; FAIRCLOUGH, 2003) and Sociocognitive approach (VAN DIJK, 2015, 2016, 2017a, 2017b, 2018, 2021). I held, with the support of the advisor professors of this thesis, an articulation of these two approaches, creating a framework proposal for analysis. The result of reporting analyzes and interviews pointed out that the courts are represented and identify themselves, most of the time, negatively. They represent the system of quotas as a necessary AA, as an opportunity and that needs to be maintained, despite obstacles and “pray” for changes in heteroing facilities. They also raised, in the corpus analyzed, some positive evaluations when it was the representation and identification of the quotes made by other social actors, such as university professors and producers of reporting. Anyway, the greater aim is that this study can contribute to a reflection and transformation/minimization (OTTONI, 2019) of the situation of injustice involving the system of social and racial quotas.

Affirmative actions is not a recent policy, however, in Brazil, the discussion on the subject dates back to the 1990s, being expanded from 2001 onwards. It is known that the System of Racial and Social Quotas presents itself as a form of access to Brazilian public universities and represents an alternative to reduce existing differences in the social environment. The objective is to analyze the criteria for the System of Racial and Social Quotas at the University of Brasília, based on a case study of a report published by Veja magazine in 2007. The results are presented in two categories, in the first one entitled “The case of Alex and Alan”, the case of two identical twin brothers who signed up for the Unb Vestibular in the Quota System modality is described, however, Alan was considered afro-descendant and Alex, white; in the second category. It is considered that there were improvements in the System of Racial Quotas at the University of Brasilia when these criteria were revisited and modified and in the expansion of the affirmative action policy that currently includes the System of Social Quotas.

John D. Skrentny. The Minority Rights Revolution. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002. 496 pp. Notes and index. $35.00 (cloth); $18.95 (paper). For students and scholars accustomed to thinking of the years following the 1964 Civil Rights Act and 1965 Voting Rights Act as a period of conservative reaction and white backlash, John David Skrentny's The Minority Rights Revolution offers an arresting counter-narrative. In Skrentny's account, the same decade (1965–1975) that witnessed the election and re-election of Ronald Reagan as governor of California and Richard Nixon as president; the urban violence of Watts, Detroit, and Newark; and the stiff resistance to school desegregation in New York, Boston, and Los Angeles also witnessed "a remarkable flowering of minority rights" (p. 133). Swiftly and without substantial lobbying or heated controversy, a bipartisan group of federal actors—members of Congress, presidential staffers, agency bureaucrats, and judges— passed laws, promulgated executive orders, issued bureaucratic rulings, and rendered court decisions that "established nondiscrimination rights" and the policies and programs to implement them for "groups of Americans understood as disadvantaged" (p. 4). Asian immigrants and their Asian American advocates won the elimination of the national origins quota system as a result of the 1965 Immigration Act. Latinos (and other English-language learners) secured the right to language accommodation in schools as a result of the 1968 Bilingual Education Act and Lau v. Nichols, the 1974 Supreme Court case best described as the Brown v. Board of Education for language minority students. Women received educational equality as a result of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. The disabled achieved equal access rights as a result of Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. Most significantly, Latinos, Asian Americans, women, and American Indians all benefited, in varying degrees, from "the most important policy in the minority rights revolution": affirmative action in federal employment, federally supported small business development, and higher education (p. 85). Collectively, these policies and programs, which emanated from deep inside the D.C. beltway and redounded to the favor of some 60 percent of the population, [End Page 278] formed the core of what Skrentny calls the "fantastic decade" that was the minority rights revolution (p. 328). How did it happen? Skrentny advances two basic arguments over the course of his two-part book on the "government's role in the recognition and protection of minorities" (p. 165). He emphasizes the first—the "perceived needs of national security"—in chapters two and three and the second—the "legacies of the black civil rights movement"—in chapters four through nine (p. 7). In the process, he discounts a third, and perhaps the most commonly held, explanation: that social movements originating beyond the nation's capital generated waves that crashed upon D.C.'s shores and forced a recalcitrant government to take action. The Minority Rights Revolution is not a book about the southern, African American civil rights movement—a revolution from the outside in—but rather a book about what that movement wrought for groups of Americans perceived by policy makers to be "analogous to blacks"—a revolution from the inside out (p. 328). With respect to the book's first part and first argument, Skrentny presents the years 1941 to 1965 as "the prehistory of the minority rights revolution" (p. 16). World War II and the Cold War, he contends, served to catalyze (and, in some respects, constrain) the pursuit of "nondiscrimination rights" (p. 21). Beginning with President Roosevelt's 1941 creation of the federal Committee on Fair Employment Practices, and continuing with, among other things, President Truman's Committee on Civil Rights and its To Secure These Rights report in 1947, and the Department of Justice's contributions to Supreme Court cases that successfully challenged racially restrictive housing covenants (Shelley v. Kraemer [1948]), segregation in interstate train dining cars (Henderson v. United States [1950]), and segregation in public K...