Complete Madrigals 2

NEXT to Vivaldi's Gloria and Pergolesi's Stabat Mater, the four-part Magnificat in B flat by Francesco Durante is among the most familiar pieces of eighteenthcentury Italian sacred music. Its deserved popularity, however, has been achieved on Pergolesi's shoulders, for it is under his name that it is commonly known today. Surprisingly, in view of its wide currency, the misattribution is neither of long standing nor based on any but the flimsiest evidence. The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries knew the Magnificat as a work by Durante.' It was ascribed to Pergolesi only in 1910, by Giuseppe Radiciotti,2 on the strength of a single manuscript copy that bears Pergolesi's name in what is now the Biblioteca Civica in Bergamo and in the face of 21 other manuscript sources that bear Durante's. In 1942, presumably on the basis of Radiciotti's influential monograph, it was included by Filippo Caffarelli in his notoriously unreliable edition of Pergolesi's works.3 True, the attribution to Pergolesi has never been accepted in the scholarly world. But the inclusion of the Magnificat in the hallowed surroundings of a collected edition, however unreliable, has established a popular myth that remains stubbornly persistent.4 If there were ever any serious doubt about the authorship of the Magnificat, the matter is surely settled by the existence of an autograph score in Durante's hand in Naples, Biblioteca del Conservatorio, Rari 1.6.19. Unlike all other manuscript sources (and all printed editions), however, the Naples score is for five voices, not four, having an extra soprano part. There are other instances of works by Durante surviving in two different versions.5 In direct parallel with the Magnificat, a four-part Te Deum in Naples, Conservatorio, MR 489, is found with an additional soprano part in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, D 3646-2, and in London, British Library, Add. MS 14107. The same British Library manuscript includes a four-part 'Laudate pueri Dominum', also found in Naples, Conservatorio, MR 450, which exists in an eight-part version in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, D 3647-2. The fifth voice affects the texture of the Magnificat in various ways. At the first entry of the tutti in the opening movement, after the initial intonation of the Magnificat tone on which the work is based, the two soprano parts are used to

Antoine Forqueray, Jean-Baptiste Forqueray, Michel Forqueray, Nicolas-Gilles Forqueray. The Works. Edited by Mary Cyr. Part One. New York: The Broude Trust, 2012. [Acknowledgements, p. vii; table of contents, p. ix-xi; list of illustrations, p. xii; introd., p. xv-lxxix; editorial policies, p. lxxxi-lxxxv; score, p. 2-129. ISBN 0-8450-7250-1. $300 (inclusive of both volumes).]Antoine Forqueray, Jean-Baptiste Forqueray, Michel Forqueray, NicolasGilles Forqueray. The Works. Edited by Mary Cyr. Part Two. New York: The Broude Trust, 2012. [Table of contents, p. vii-ix; list of illustrations, p. x; score, p. 2-119; crit. apparatus, p. 123-69; appendices, p. 173-219; bibliog., p. 223-35. ISBN 0-8450-7250-1. $300 (inclusive of both volumes).]Of the many influential musical dynasties in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Forquerays hold the unique honor of simultaneously embodying the pinnacle of virtuosic achievement on their instrument, the viola da gamba, while also witnessing the transition from that instrument's artistic height to its fall into obsolescence within only two generations. The family's two most famous members, Antoine Forqueray (1672-1745) and his son Jean-Baptiste (1699-1782), were both celebrated from childhood as virtuoso viol players, and both went on to hold positions as musicians in the Chambre du roy. Antoine was a younger contemporary of Marin Marais, his colleague and rival, and the Italianate characteristics of his playing have often been contrasted against the utterly French sensibilities of Marais. Jean-Baptiste enjoyed a successful career as a performer, teacher, and composer, during a period when the viol had begun to decline in popularity as the cello overtook it; he was among the musicians who premiered Telemann's Paris Quartets, and was highly regarded by Johann Joachim Quantz and Michel Blavet. Jean-Baptiste also obtained a royal privilege to publish his father's and his own pieces for viol, regarded by modern viol players as some of the most technically and harmonically challenging works in the instrument's period repertoire.This complete-works edition, published by Broude and edited by Mary Cyr, marks the first modern publication in score format of the Forquerays' thirty-two Pieces de violes avec la basse continue (originally published in one volume in 1747), which have previously been republished only in facsimile editions by Minkoff (1976), Performers' Facsimiles (1985), and J. M. Fuzeau (1995), though a few excerpted movements have found their way into modern performing editions as arrangements for orchestra or solo cello. In addition to the five published suites of pieces for solo viol with basso continuo, the first volume of the set also comprises Antoine Forqueray's pieces for three viols, and various solo instrumental works that exist only in manuscript sources. This latter group includes interesting variant versions of several works from manuscript sources in the Bibliotheque nationale de France and the Library of Congress, as well as two lute transcriptions by Robert de Visee (presented in facsimile and modern scores) from manuscripts in the Bibliotheque municipale in Besancon. Volume 2 in the complete-works edition contains primarily works not for viol: the harpsichord transcriptions of the five suites of viol pieces also originally published in 1747 by Jean-Baptiste Forqueray; and six vocal airs attributed to a lesser-known relative, Forcroy le Neveu.The critical commentary that opens the first volume provides a detailed and comprehensive history of the Forqueray family of musicians, from Antoine's father Michel to the youngest nephew Nicolas-Gilles. Although interest in performing the Forquerays' music was revived by members of the Dolmetsch family in the early years of the historically-informed performance movement, the landscape of scholarship relating to the Forquerays remains sparse. Only two historical monographs have been published since the start of the twentieth century: Louis Forqueray's Musiciens d'autrefois: Les Forquerays et leur descendants (Paris: L. …

Scholars working on the navicula have concentrated on just two manuscripts: Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 68 and, to a lesser extent, Cambridge, Trinity College, MS O.5.26. The sixteen manuscripts under consideration are grouped to the type of construction used for the instrument. These group include group A, group B, group C, group D and group E. Nine of the sixteen manuscripts contain texts are related to those edited by Gunther and Price, called as 'group A'. Three further manuscripts describe a different way of constructing the navicula-these are copies of a previously unknown work, and are referred as 'group B. The final three manuscripts are all unique copies of previously unknown texts on making and using the navicula, and are given as groups C, D and E.Keywords: Bodleian library; manuscript sources; navicula; Oxford library

Apart from the Greek and Latin text of the New Testament, Erasmus’ epochal edition contains a few well-known “editorial” paratexts, i. e. the paraclesis, the methodus, and the apologia. Much less known is that the edition, in its various versions, also contained a few Greek (and Latin) “traditional” paratexts, i. e. material taken from the manuscript sources, such as chapter lists, biographies of the evangelists and subscriptiones. The analysis of these small texts is promising for several reasons. Firstly, the Byzantine “dowry” of the New Testament on its way into early modern Europe becomes visible: some of those small texts were translated by Martin Luther or others along with the Biblical text. Some texts in the edition are important because they have not been critically edited since the initial publication (e. g. Eusebius’ canon tables). Secondly, these paratexts and their manuscript sources allow for a deeper understanding of the making of Erasmus’ edition. A good case in point is the only figurative image in the New Testament, i. e. the representation of the trinity in the edition of 1519. It can be traced back to the Corsendonck Codex, which in this instance served also as an iconographic Vorlage. The canon tables are another example for which it can be shown that the same Greek codex was used, but – maybe even more importantly – a Latin Bible printed by Froben in 1514 as well. Thirdly, the way in which Erasmus and his collaborators made use of Greek manuscripts can in many cases be better analysed on the basis of small paratextual material than on the basis of the (highly standardized) Biblical text itself.

Alberti's De Pictura contains the first theoretical formulation of the system of artificial perspective, and it is generally recognised that, whatever its debt to Brunelleschi, this treatise is the starting point of much of later Renaissance artistic theory and practice. There has been in the past, however, and still persists some difference of opinion as to the precise details of the process of perspectival construction described by Alberti. This is partly due to some differences of interpretation, and partly to difficulties in the text of his work as it is at present known. Alberti prepared two versions of his treatise, one in Latin, which he dedicated to Giovan Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua, the other in Italian addressed to Filippo Brunelleschi. A Latin text was printed in Basle in 1540, and re-edited in Amsterdam in 1649. Alberti's Italian text was published for the first time by Bonucci in 1847, and has since been republished several times from the same manuscript source, the most recent presentation being Mallè's supposedly critical edition of 1950. Scholars have tended to rely primarily on this Italian text (in the main probably for reasons of availability), with some reference to the Basle edition of the Latin version. The most recent English translation by J. R. Spencer is based mainly on the principal Italian MS (Bibl. Naz. Florence, cod. II.IV.38), and purports also to have examined the Latin version extant in six manuscripts. Yet Spencer's inquiries have failed to clarify Alberti's description of his ‘costruzione legittima,’ and Parronchi especially has rightly expressed concern that at this point in De Pictura something is wrong with the transmission of the text.

The recovery and study of manuscript texts remains an important endeavor for those interested in early modern women writer, as much as it is an important part of recovering artifacts of literary history. These artifacts increase the amount of material on which we base our conclusions, but one could argue that such texts offer more than simply evidence of literary production. Unfortunately, the tendency in the new field of the history of the book to define “book” as being a printed object threatens once again to marginalize women's participation in literary culture in the same way that previous models of literary history based on “great man” or spirit of the age did in previous generations. Using as a case study the newly recovered manuscript volume by Hester Pulter (1595/96–1678), this essay concludes by examining some premises about early modern women's participation in various aspects of literary culture as being “exceptional,” or anomalous, or whether instead we are still in the process of recovering the materials that would make such conclusions warranted.

Between 1869 and 1879 the Paris publisher Antoine Choudens issued twenty songs by the young composer Gabriel Fauré. These songs, the well-known "first collection" (they were published in volume form in 1879), include such gems as Après un rêve, Ici-bas , and the ever-fresh Le papillon et la fleur . In their chaotic array of manuscript and published sources, dating from the early 1860s to as late as 1908, they also pose numerous documentary and practical challenges for the scholar and the editor. Manuscript sources are traced for only half of the twenty songs, and not one of those served as engraver's copy: rather, they offer a mixture of drafts, early fair copies, presentation manuscripts and non-autograph copies. Printed sources for the songs meanwhile involve several different publishers, numerous editions, and multiple keys, creating a highly complex cocktail of variants. A dearth of documentation concerning the composition and early performances of the songs makes it unusually difficult even to establish such editorial starting points as reliable chronology and "original" keys. The present article complements and reflects the preparation of a new critical edition of Fauré's early songs, commissioned by Peters Edition, London. It explores the songs' idiosyncratic editorial challenges relative to contemporary norms of critical editing, proposes an editorial methodology that blends the scholarly with the practical, and considers the role of a critical edition in addressing performance practice and a reappraisal of the repertoire.

The poets of late medieval and early modern Wales (fourteenth–early seventeenth centuries) are collectively known as the cywyddwyr or as Beirdd yr Uchelwyr (“Poets of the Gentry”). The term derives from the most popular metre of the time, the cywydd , which consists of rhyming couplets with cynghanedd (a complex system of internal rhyme and consonance). The poetry covers such genres as praise, elegy, love poetry, prophecy, poems of asking for and giving thanks for gifts, satire, bardic disputations, and religious verse. There are several hundred known cywyddwyr and the scale of the corpus of this poetry is not yet known for certain, but it is very substantial. The poets were very often highly trained professionals, though there was also a large amateur and semi‐professional element. Most of the poetry would have been performed in the houses of Welsh gentry. There are some manuscript sources from the late Middle Ages, but the bulk of the verse survives in early modern copies.

In his 1967 reminiscences, Menzies referred to ‘the new dominance of Press, Radio, and Television. These “Media”, as they are now called …’ On the basis of research in the Menzies Papers, national archives and other manuscript sources, this paper examines the evolution of Menzies‘ relationship with television, the newest of ‘these “Media”’, against the background of his earlier relations with the press and radio, and his attitudes to technological innovation in the media. It examines the evolution of television policy under Menzies, particularly the introduction of television, and issues of media ownership and cultural nationalism. It analyses the manner in which Menzies reacted to, adapted to and used television. Existing studies of Menzies’ relationship with television have not given due weight to its complexity; here the emphasis is on ambivalence — Menzies disliked television, but presided over its introduction in Australia; he was little interested as a viewer, yet he became a competent television ‘performer’ who outshone political contemporaries; he denied ‘deferring’ to the media, yet he helped to incorporate television into Australian political life.

Com o presente artigo, pretendo contribuir para o estudo das relações de Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen com o meio historiográfico português, bem como salientar aproximações e distanciamentos pessoais e intelectuais face a figuras cimeiras da historiografia portuguesa coeva, como o Cardeal Saraiva, o visconde de Santarém e Alexandre Herculano. O estudo foi conduzido com base em fontes manuscritas e em bibliografia portuguesa e brasileira. A carta que o visconde de Santarém dirigiu a Varnhagen, datada de 8 de Dezembro de 1839, é frequentemente citada como contendo a primeira referência explícita ao neologismo cartografia, atribuído ao primeiro. Tal missiva foi escrita no âmbito de uma polémica, mantida pelos dois autores, sobre algumas características dos estudos culturais e historiográficos dedicados à história portuguesa, realizados em Paris e Lisboa e sobretudo a propósito da Crónica da Guiné, de Zurara, e da importância do documento inédito relevante como instrumento de afirmação e prestígio do historiador.

<p>This essay is a musicological, analytical, and performance practice investigation of Variazioni e Toccata sopra “Aurora lucis rutilat,” op. 52 by Alberto Ginastera. Commissioned by and written for the Twin Cities Chapter of the American Guild of Organists, this piece was premiered during the National Convention of the AGO on June 18th, 1980 in Minneapolis, Minnesota, by the renowned American organist and pedagogue Marilyn Mason. Mason championed the composition for years on the concert platform, but the composition suffered neglect both by performers and scholars alike. Today, there exists not a single comprehensive study on this work, and only two recordings available.</p> <p>This essay seeks to clarify the composition by addressing 1) the relation between manuscript sources, the correspondence between composer and performer during and after the compositional process, recordings, and 2) by analyzing the form of the piece, by investigating its melodic relationship to the Gregorian tune, as well as by providing an examination of the text and its connection to medieval sources. I will devote a chapter to Ginastera’s biographical background, a review of the current scholarship, as well as a chapter devoted to the analysis of each single variation, thematic placement, and an overview of the harmonic relationship of endings.</p>

FOR MANY MEDIEVALISTS, the increase in digitized manuscripts has been a wonderful by-product of the Internet. Several ongoing projects provide scholars with access to an increasing number of useful manuscripts. Most of these projects are available on the Internet, and usually consist of library exhibits, excerpts from illuminated manuscripts, or, occasionally, complete manuscripts.2 Other projects, such as volumes of the Papal Registers, are accessible only on a CD-ROM set.3 These manuscript sources are invaluable for scholars and provide a number of advantages. Digitized images increase access to certain manuscripts for both scholars and graduate students, and allow travel and research funding-if available-to be spent in other areas. Digitized images also allow researchers to see the archaeology of the manuscript page, such as layout, glosses, and marginalia, which will not appear in a typed transcription. Images are also far easier to read than microfilm, which is often grainy, reproduced in negative format, and has limited enlargement ability. Despite their utility for scholars and graduate students, however, these images remain less accessible for undergraduate students, who usually lack the linguistic and paleographical skills to use such manuscripts. Hence, at the undergraduate level manuscript images on the Internet are often used in the classroom simply as bigger, better slides. Slides and

This article investigates the publishing history of John Tillotson’s collected sermons in the early and mid-eighteenth century. Evidence from imprints and other printed and manuscript sources is used to establish how much the Tillotson copyright was worth, who owned it, and what kinds of editions of the sermons were produced. Publishing Tillotson’s works was a significant and profitable part of the business of many leading London booksellers. The publishing history of the sermons thus sheds light on important features of the trade in this period, such as the activities of wholesaling and copyright-owning congers, the booksellers’ sales of copyright, and the relationship between the London and Scottish trades. Detailed consideration of the editions produced by Brabazon Aylmer and Richard Chiswell also reveals the impact individual booksellers could have on the books they published.

This is a record of over 2000 manuscript sources for the study of the West Indies and its history. The major focus is on the collections of the Nation Library of Jamaica but other entries relate to manuscript sources in repositeries elswhere in Jamaica, the United States, Canada and Britain.

This essay takes MS Dyce 44, National Art Library (V&A) as a case study to reconstruct the personal tastes and scribal habits of a manuscript miscellany's main copyist and compiler. 
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\nClaire Bryony Williams uses evidence from the literary contents, copying stints, textual collations, and physical format of the manuscript to reveal its maker's intellectual preoccupations and investment of time and money in the project, as well as to explore the print and manuscript sources, and dramatic and musical interactions, that informed the collection. 
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\nThe essay concludes with an examination of the compiler's attempts to control other readers' access to and interpretations of erotic material through cipher and backward writing and the use of Latin tags to mediate morally dubious texts, as well as the way in which two subsequent readers responded to the miscellany through adding poems.