Conceptualising Party Driven Movements

This work aims to explain the autonomization process of civil society vis-a-vis the political parties in Latin America, after the occurrence of the ‘Latin American social spring’ (2011–2016). Indeed, if several case studies have emerged explaining a detachment between political parties and civil society in Latin America, no work has systematized the comparison to the whole region. Thus, I join theories from two different but complementary fields in political science literature: political representation and social movements’ theories. Then I proceed to a test of four hypotheses, aiming to explain the detachment phenomenon, using QCA methodology. The main findings are that the permanence, or rise, of a strong cleavage system and the participation of the state to the socio-economic process constitute determinant conditions explaining the political (de)alignment in the region.

'Civil society', 'the market' and 'democracy' are the conceptual 'good guys' that dominate current Western thinking about China's present and future in the social, economic and political realms respectively. Though these ideas are often used in imprecise and tendentious ways, they have considerable analytical and practical power; they reflect real processes and point toward real solutions. This paper sets out to examine how useful the notion of 'civil society' is in describing and explaining social change in contemporary Chinese society. I shall proceed, flrst, by clarifying the specific way in which I intend to use the term 'civil society' and, second, by investigating the empirical utility of the idea through a case-study of one Chinese city.

Formulation of the problem. The urgency of a comprehensive study of the institute of political parties is conditioned by several illustrative circumstances. The past election campaign in the Ukrainian parliament in 2019 was marked by the fact that it was held under the old "rules of the game." It is known that the parliamentary election campaigns of 1998, 2002, 2007, 2012 also used a mixed system of elections, in which 50% of parliamentarians were elected in majority constituencies and 50% of people’s deputies were elected on a proportional basis for party lists. According to the current rules of elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, candidates for the People’s Deputies will be nominated by a political party, which were registered in accordance with the established procedure no later than one year before the elections. Despite the fact that the institute of self-nomination of candidates for the People’s Deputies remains, political parties have become the main political players, the only active actors in the electoral process of Ukraine and have received a strong impetus for their development. The purpose of this article is to reveal the history of political party formation in order to gain a better understanding of the essential nature of these important political entities and to identify promising moments in the development of parties in Ukraine. Analysis of recent research and publications. In the world and Ukrainian partology, it should be noted that well-known foreign experts J. Sartori, M. Duverge, A. Leiphart, S. Avineri, G. Almond, E. Wind, S. Lipset, S. Rokkan, S. Neumann in characterization the current state and prospects of the development of parties as political institutions indicate a direct connection and mutual influence between the party and electoral systems. Particular attention of domestic partologists M. Primus, N. Goncharuk, A. Pakharev, I. Kresina, O. Erzhov, V. Lytvyn, G. Malkin, Y. Shvedy focuses on the problem of the influence of the electoral process on the formation of the party system in Ukraine. Recently, in connection with the growing role of parties in the political life of our country, studies of new aspects of their activity have appeared: L. Gonyukova considers political parties as an institute of state policy and governance, O. Sakiri concentrates attention on the principles of constructing the image of a political party, O.Nikogosyan considers the peculiarities of the development of political parties and party systems in the post-communist space, A. Tetyanich explores the constitutional and legal principles of state control over the activities of political parties, etc. The article deals with the history of the formation and development of political parties as socio-political institutions, from the time of antiquity to the emergence of mass parties in the second half of the nineteenth century. The latest trends in the evolution of the institution of political parties as subjects of democratic politics in polyarchy systems are analyzed. It is noted that political parties have become the main political players, the only active actors in the electoral process of Ukraine and have received a strong impetus for their development. Modern political parties emerge as institutions of democratic politics, they "grow" from the bottom, are created by politically active citizens for the protection of their own interests, and therefore represent first and foremost an important segment of civil society, which unites it with public authorities. For a long time, the division of the parties into the left was adopted (the Communists, the Social Democrats were referred to here), the centrists (those who tried to defend the interests of the majority), the right (who stood for an elitist understanding of politics). However, as most political parties shifted to the middle class in the 20th century, only two of them became right-wing: center-right and center-left. At the same time, the ranking scale itself remained the same. At the end of the twentieth century. significant changes occurred in the political sphere of society. Political parties began to lose their traditional class character and appeal not so much to certain social strata as to all groups of the population. American political scientist J. Lapalambara called this type of political party a "grab all party" and then a "voter party". This trend is also confirmed in modern Ukraine (Party of Servants). Parties have stopped offering ways to develop society, politicians are only interested in voter votes, not ideological issues. It is concluded that modern Ukrainian parties need to go a long way in their development to meet all the criteria of a democratic political party. Ukrainian parties must undergo a transformation from political additions of oligarchic holdings to truly mass popular structures based on the principle of modernization, and then there will be a significant increase in real support. A promising direction for further research is to consider the organizational foundations of the functioning of political parties in polyarchies and under hybrid political regimes. Remarks are made about the prospects of party building in contemporary Ukraine.

The FDRE Constitution acknowledges the right to freedom of political party membership. Similarly, the Political Parties Registration Proclamation, which regulates the details of political party membership, allows a political party member to withdraw from his/her membership at any time. The form of withdrawal, however, has become contentious. In Unity for Justice and Democracy Party -versus- Blue Party (a case finally adjudicated by the Cassation Bench of the Federal Supreme Court), the petitioner, claimed that a person cannot be member of another political party without a written withdrawal notice to his/her former political party. The respondent political party, on its part, argued that withdrawal from membership and taking membership in another political party is possible at any time. The points of controversy and the legal framework thereof are examined in this article. An attempt is made to assess relevant principles, international human rights instruments and the experience of other jurisdictions.Key termsFreedom of association · Political party · Membership right · Political pluralism · Freedom of choice · Ethiopia

Book Review| January 01 2021 Review: Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times, by Manal A. Jamal Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times, by Manal A. Jamal. New York: New York University Press, 2019. 320 pages. Black and white illustrations. $35.00 (paper). ISBN: 978-1-479-87845-1. John Thomas, III John Thomas, III University of Chicago Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar National Review of Black Politics (2021) 2 (1): 75–77. https://doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2021.2.1.75 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation John Thomas; Review: Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times, by Manal A. Jamal. National Review of Black Politics 1 January 2021; 2 (1): 75–77. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2021.2.1.75 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentNational Review of Black Politics Search In Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times, Manal Jamal delves into the world of foreign aid, NGOs (nongovernmental organizations), and civil society in postconflict situations to uncover why aid for democracy promotion works in some contexts but not in others. Departing from the quantitative studies that have informed discussions around foreign aid effectiveness, the author uses a structured, focused comparison of postconflict settlements in Palestine and El Salvador to uncover insights that can only be found through qualitative case studies. The Oslo Accords, signed in 1993 and 1995 between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the government of Israel with the aim of ending the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict over the existence of a Palestinian state and specifically the First Intifada (1987–93), are characterized as a noninclusive settlement. The Chapultepec Peace Accords, signed in 1992 between the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) and the government... You do not currently have access to this content.

States, Parties, and Social Movements. Edited by Jack Goldstone. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003. 312 pp., $70.00 cloth (ISBN: 0-521-81679-3), $25.00 paper (ISBN: 0-521-01699-1). Among the many undertilled fields in political science, few are in as much need of cultivation as the study of the relationship between political associations and the state. Even though particular types of interactions have been analyzed at length, such as the role of political opportunity structures in mediating social movement success, other types of interactions, in particular those that would constitute “normal politics,” have received less attention. If political parties are thrown into the mix, the literature gap is even more evident. Fortunately, Jack Goldstone's new edited volume— States, Parties, and Social Movements —illuminates the various types of interactions among social movement organizations, political parties, and the state in both Western democracies and in non-Western nations—democratic and otherwise. Perhaps even more exciting, this fine collection of essays reflects the research of a younger set of scholars who stand poised to build on the intellectual contributions of their forebears. Goldstone frames the collection with a thoughtful opening essay that elucidates the central claim common to each of the essays: “social movements constitute an essential element of normal politics in modern societies, and … there is only a fuzzy and permeable boundary between institutionalized and noninstitutionalized politics” (p. 2). This claim stands in contrast with much of the literature on social movement activity. Conventional wisdom heralds that it is precisely because of a noninstitutionalized relationship between an aggrieved group and the state that social movement organizations form in the first place. Once a relationship becomes institutionalized, the need for a social movement organization dissipates, as does the type of political behavior typical of excluded …

The Arab Spring revealed that when the youth are marginalized, they can resort to informal political movements that may be characterized by extremism and criminality. However, when they join formal groupings, such as political parties, and are well utilized within them, they can become an active political force. This article explores the extent to which American and Egyptian political parties offer opportunities for youth inclusion in their structure and decision‐making processes. By conducting semi‐structured interviews with young members of the largest two Egyptian parties and the Democratic and Republican parties in the United States, the study argues that when young people develop a long‐term interest in politics, they join political parties. Moreover, they are included in the party structures and decision‐making processes when they are included in party activities and positions, as well as trusted, heard, and supported within the party. The existence of a national plan and political will may even encourage cross‐party youth collaboration.

In response to the low numbers of women in elected positions of power, Tanzania reserves special seats for women in parliament and local governance structures. Consequently, the special seats system remains one of the main pathways for women’s access to political seats. Despite political parties’ role in nominating women for special seats, concerns linger regarding their internal commitment to advancing women’s political participation. This article inspects the constitutions of Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM, the Revolutionary Party) and Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA, Party of Democracy and Development) to assess whether there are voluntary gender quotas for increasing women’s political participation in political parties’ leadership positions and elections. While the two parties’ constitutions include principles of gender equality and non-discrimination, they contain minimal and inconsistent measures for women to attain positions in the party leadership, its decision-making organs and candidate lists. Various constraints, including the competition caused by the First Past the Post electoral system, challenges associated with the implementation of the special seats system, loopholes in the legal framework, weaknesses of women’s political parties’ wings, lack of competition from other political parties, and gendered social norms account for CCM and CHADEMA’s reluctance to adopt voluntary gender quotas.

Education systems are largely shaped by the policies of political parties. Political parties try to express their policies regarding the structure and functioning of the education system through party programs. As in all countries, policies regarding the education system have an important place in party programs in Turkey. The aim of this study is to examine the programs of political parties in Turkey in terms of the structure of the Turkish National Education System; the aim is to present their views on “Pre-School Education”, “Primary Education”, “General Secondary Education”, “Vocational Technical Secondary Education”, “Higher Education” and “Non-Formal Education-Adult Education-Continuous Education”. In this context, it is important to express the similarities in the objectives of the political parties regarding the structure of the Turkish Education System. In this study, the qualitative research method was used. The data of the research were collected through document analysis. The study population consisted of all the political parties in The Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNAT). The sample of the study consists of five political parties selected according to the criterion sampling method, which is one of the purposive sampling methods. These political parties can be listed as follows according to the number of members: 1.Justice and Development Party (JDP), 2.Republican People's Party (RPP) 3.Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) 4.National Movement Party (NMP) 5.Good Party (GP). The data sources of the study are the party programs of political parties. The documents regarding the party programs were taken from the official websites of the parties. In the context of suitability for the purpose of the study, the documents were analyzed by the content analysis method. The findings of the research are given without adding the researcher's comment, according to the themes and codes created. According to the findings, there are quite a lot of statements about the structure of the Turkish National Education System in the programs of political parties. As a result of the analysis, it has been determined that there are many similarities in the programs of the five parties, although there are many differences in the objectives of the parties regarding the structure of the Turkish Education System.

Book Review| October 01 1975 Review: The Democratic Party and California Politics, 1880-1896, by R. Hal Williams The Democratic Party and California Politics, 1880-1896R. Hal Williams John E. Baur John E. Baur Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Southern California Quarterly (1975) 57 (3): 338–340. https://doi.org/10.2307/41170611 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation John E. Baur; Review: The Democratic Party and California Politics, 1880-1896, by R. Hal Williams. Southern California Quarterly 1 October 1975; 57 (3): 338–340. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/41170611 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentSouthern California Quarterly Search This content is only available via PDF. © Copyright 1975 The Historical Society of Southern California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Reviewed by: The Peculiar Democracy: Southern Democrats in Peace and Civil War Walter L. Buenger The Peculiar Democracy: Southern Democrats in Peace and Civil War. By Wallace Hettle. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2001. Pp. 240. Cloth $50.00.) Wallace Hettle offers a useful corrective to the tendency to break analysis of Southern politics in 1861, to focus on explaining secession to the neglect of understanding Civil War politics. Combining social and cultural history with a sure understanding of state level politics, Hettle focuses on the region's dominant Democratic party. He argues that the Democrats, especially their leaders, were torn between the egalitarian roots of the party and the reality that it functioned in a hierarchical slave society. For Hettle, "equal participation in a system characterized by inequalities is not possible" (4). During a war that demanded an enormous sacrifice from common people, from nonslaveholding whites, the gulf between the ordinary citizen and the slaveholding leadership widened. As a result, "the South increasingly lacked a popular foundation for the struggle" (10). Hettle stops short of insisting that the South lost the Civil War because of politics but argues that the increasingly high desertion rates and the lack of will to continue the fighting in 1865 derived in part from a political system that could no longer balance defending slavery and individual rights. Every chapter deals in one way or another with "the complexity of the interaction between planters and yeoman in the Civil War era" (39). Hettle begins with an extended discussion of the ongoing role of Andrew Jackson and Thomas Jefferson in the antebellum Democratic party. Jackson gave the party a highly gendered base—the image of an iron willed and independent man who dominated all others. Jefferson famously elevated yeoman farmers and the egalitarian society in which they lived to an ideal type. Few who came after Jackson, however, possessed his adroit balance of a defense of the yeoman with a display of manly strength and independence. Instead as secession approached and the Civil War unfolded leaders of the Democratic party often sought manly control and dominance at the expense of equal rights and equal participation by [End Page 325] the yeoman. Hettle uses case studies of John C. Rutherford of Virginia, Joseph Brown of Georgia, Francis W. Pickens of South Carolina, Jeremiah Clemens of Alabama, and Jefferson Davis of Mississippi to illustrate his point and to explain the variations and similarities between the Southern states. In each of these case studies, Hettle deftly explains both high politics and low politics: the overarching tension between elite control and democracy and the particular feuds, divisions, and issues that divided the public in individual states. For example, Hettle attributes the creation of a dictatorial Executive Council in wartime South Carolina to prewar schisms caused by such issues as conflict over legislative apportionment and the connection of South Carolinians to the national Democratic party. Yet even in South Carolina, devotion to Jacksonian principles and the need to ensure up-country support of the war caused the state's political leaders to retreat from aristocratic control symbolized by the Executive Council. In the end, however, Hettle's major contribution to our understanding of the Civil War and of Southern politics is to remind us of the role of slavery in all aspects of Southern life. The tension between elite control and manly dominance on one side and democracy and egalitarianism on the other grew from this. As Hettle puts it, "The peculiar institution produced a peculiar democracy, distorted by a culture of mastery and social inequality" (171). This democracy as well as the Democratic party that expressed it disintegrated during the war, weakening the political will and the ideological foundation of Southern citizens and the Southern government. By connecting wartime politics with prewar politics, by illuminating the distinctive features of each state, and most importantly by focusing on the political stress created by slavery, Hettle adds to our understanding of southern politics and to the debate over why the South lost the war. Walter L. Buenger Texas A&M University Copyright © 2006 The Kent State University Press

<em>This research will shed light on the role of women in political parties in Japan. Japanis still in 125th position out of 146 countries in the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Index (GGI) Report 2023. This puts Japan at the bottom among developed countries. Even though various policies related to gender equality have been taken by the Japanese government. Politics as an instrument of democracy should ideally play a role in the promotion and campaign of gender equality in Japan. The ruling LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) and the opposition CDP (Constitutional Democratic Party) also played the issue of gender equality as part of efforts to respond to women's public. The response of political parties can certainly be traced to how political parties recruit and place women in party and parliamentary structures. This is the purpose of this study, to find out how the LDP and CDP recruit and candidacy women in their respective parties as an effort to realize gender equality. Using qualitative methods and party recruitment perspectives, it was found that both LDP and CDP provide space for women's involvement in their political parties. Although the LDP in the recruitment of women still uses a conservative and exclusive approach, the CDP is more progressive and inclusive. And also both, the LDP and CDP both consider the capital and political motivations of each female candidate. However, neither of them has made the affirmative quota policy effective within his party</em>

This article investigates the role of television on the structure and organization of political parties in the post – communist Albania. The existing literature on political parties links the structure of mass parties with the written press, and the structure of electoral- professional and cartel parties with the increasing influence of television. The mass party is based on the principle of membership. Among many tasks that members had to carry out, the dissemination of party’s declarations, statements, opinions and ideology, through the distribution of party press is one of the most important. The studies on political parties have observed the emergence of the catch-all, electoral-professional and cartel party, in which the party leaders have substituted the membership organizational network with television, and thus minimized the role of intermediate party organs. In difference from their counterparts in Western Europe, in the new established democracies of post-communist countries, political parties were born in a period characterized by a modern and developed media which was accessible to everyone. Therefore, the immediate access to modern means of communication has distanced the parties from the society since the early phases of their inceptions, without giving them the opportunity and necessity to organize territorially. This article analysed the techniques that have used the Albanian political parties to communicate with their electorate, concluding that in the moment of their creation, television could not serve to the opposition parties as a means of information. That is why they had to rely heavily on the written press and their membership. The opening of some broadcasting channels, after 2000, made possible the access on modern techniques of communication, leading to a minor role of the press and membership. As a result we could say that at the early phase of democratic process, the political parties in Albania shared features of the mass party with a strong territorial penetration, features that started to fade out when television gained a more prominent role in the organization of electoral campaigns by influencing thus a more contemporary western alike model of party organization.

In recent years a number of new political parties have emerged in Western Europe with novel forms of intraparty organizations. This article addresses some of the questions raised by Michels, McKenzie, and Duverger about oligarchic tendencies and undemocratic features in party organization in light of the experience of two new parties. The data suggests that Michels's “iron law of oligarchy,” while superficially true, does not hold equally well across both cases. The organization of the West German Green Party, while not completely successful in avoiding oligarchic tendencies, does inhibit leadership domination of the membership and party activists. The British Social Democratic Party (SDP) exhibits strong oligarchic tendencies because the party was founded by a group of party notables who desired to avoid activist domination. In other words, the origins of the party—the intentions and policy goals of its founders—play an important role in shaping organizational structure. Oligarchy is not an inescapable outcome of organization.

This article provides a criticism of the apolitical starting point of social contract theories through the analysis of Rawls's original position and Habermas's idea of complex society, arguing that such depoliticized starting point leads to the refusal of the centrality of social struggles between classes as the basis of streamlining social evolution and institutional constitution. In order to achieve political agreement, it erases and even eliminates the struggles between social classes, the status quo and the social-political differences between social groups as the core of societal and institutional configuration. Moreover, it leads to strong institutionalism-the centrality of the formal spheres and subjects (institutions, their proceduralism and legal staff, as political parties and courts) in relation to informal spheres and subjects (civil society, social movements and citizen initiatives). Therefore, the political consequences of a depoliticized or apolitical starting point are threefold: (a) the depoliticization of social struggles between opposed social classes, (b) the strong institutionalism by the emphasis in the depoliticized institutions and in the rule of law, and (c) the weakening of a democratic political praxis performed by social movements and citizen initiatives from a direct contraposition and even substitution of the institutions, their proceduralism and legal staff with the spontaneous politicalcultural praxis of these social movements and citizen initiatives. The great problem and challenge of contemporary democratic societies, namely the correlation between strong institutionalism, political parties and economic oligarchies, cannot be resolved from the juridical-political procedural paradigm's emphasis on institutionalism and the rule of law, but only by a reaffirmation of political praxis as the fundamental core of institutional and societal constitution, legitimation and evolution, which implies that democratic politics must be conceived of as a permanent struggle against strong institutionalism by the political subjects of civil society. Here a permanent and radical politicization of the informal public spheres and subjects is required.