Constitutional Statutory Synthesis

Indigenous Languages in Parliament and Legislation: Comparing the Māori and Indigenous Australian Experience

Reconsidering Substantive Canons

Comments on Mark Seidenfeld’s “Revisiting Congressional Delegation of Interpretive Primacy as Foundation for <i>Chevron</i> Deference”

What understanding of the "judicial Power" would the Founders and their immediate successors possess in regard to statutory interpretation? In this Article, Professor Eskridge explores the background understanding of the judiciary's role in the interpretation of legislative texts, and answers earlier work by scholars like Professor John Manning who have suggested that the separation of powers adopted in the U.S. Constitution mandate an interpretive methodology similar to today's textualism. Reviewing sources such as English precedents, early state court practices, ratifying debates, and the Marshall Court's practices, Eskridge demonstrates that while early statutory interpretation began with the words of the text, it by no means confined its search for meaning to the plain text. He concludes that the early practices, especially the methodology of John Marshall, provide a powerful model, not of an anticipatory textualism, but rather of a sophisticated methodology that knit together text, context, purpose, and democratic and constitutional norms in the service of carrying out the judiciary's constitutional role.

Constitutional Norm Entrepreneuring

The paper considers the problems of constitutional and legal regulation in the sphere of the Russian economy; the thesis that the Constitution of the Russian Federation defines the essential features of the economy is investigated and substantiated. On the one hand, the effectiveness of constitutional legal norms depends on the state of the economy, and on the other hand, it is possible to ensure the effectiveness of the economy only through constitutional norms (norms-principles).The paper examines the genesis of constitutional legal regulation in the field of economic relations. The norms and principles enshrined in the Soviet constitutions are analyzed. The foundations of the economic system in the Soviet period were characterized by the absence of private property rights, free competition and other economic principles. Proclamation of the new economic policy in the 20s of the 20th century entailed the formation and development of private law trends. Many of its supporters were subjected to repression in the 30s of the 20th century. The adoption of the new Constitution in 1993 led to the emergence of new directions in social development and the formation of principles in legal regulation in the economic sphere. The fundamental principles of the Constitution of the Russian Federation have the most powerful influence on the development of market relations. They determine the effectiveness of the state system, state regulation of the economy, establish the economic and social functions of the state. The place and role of the constitutional economy in the system of legal reality of Russia are determined. The constitutional foundations of the state are considered as elements of legal reality. The steady expansion of the subject of constitutional regulation in the aspect of economic relations is noted. The Constitution does not just set general standards for the regulation and development of the economic sphere, but influences the norms of other branches of law in such a way that they acquire constitutional and legal content and should be interpreted in the light of constitutional values.

Constitutional principles and norms are the basis of the environmental policy of the Belarusian state at the present stage of its existence. They determine the limits, intensity, methods of its implementation, the degree of participation in the implementation of environmental policy of both the state bodies and civil society institutions. The scientific methods of cognition used in the research include analysis, synthesis, abstraction and comparative method. The study concluded that environmental protection in the Republic of Belarus is a set of measures, a system of state, international and public measures for the rational use, protection and restoration of natural resources, protection of the environment from pollution and destruction in order to create the most favourable conditions for the existence of human society, to meet the material and cultural needs of both living and future generations based on the constitutional principles and norms. Environmental protection can be considered as an independent constitutional principle underlying the modern policy of the Belarusian state.

The article examines reforms of the labor legislation of Ukraine from the point of view of their compliance with international and constitutional norms, particularly the principles of the ILO and EU directives. A theory under consideration argues that decent work should serve as the foundation of social justice policy in a democratic state. The study emphasizes the importance of balancing the interests of employers and employees in the process of aligning Ukrainian labor legislation, particularly the draft Law “On Labor”, with EU standards. It also analyzes state regulation of employment and labor migration in order to clearly define the roles and funding sources of employment institutions. The article highlights the need to update the Law “On Employment of the Population”. Scrutiny is invited of legislative initiatives that could undermine Ukraine’s legal commitments and weaken both trade union institutions and democratic labor discourse.

Severability, Inseverability, and the Rule of Law

The crisis in Ukraine, sparked by Russia's intervention in March 2014 and culminating in February 2022, has had a profound impact on human rights not only in Ukraine but also in European Union member nations. It is substantiated that human rights are an effective tool for limiting public power, which prevents its arbitrary action. This attribute makes human rights a distinguishing feature of a democratic state-legal regime, as opposed to authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, which do not accept the natural nature of these rights and identify them with their own will. Protecting human rights under martial law is extremely difficult. The difficulty lies in the fact that protecting human rights under martial law is not an easy task. Therefore, the development of mechanisms for the protection of human rights is a key step in ensuring justice, the development of democracy, and the development of mechanisms for the protection of human rights is particularly important for ensuring justice, the development of democracy and the restoration of peace in our country. A legitimate state must protect people's and citizens' rights and liberties. Even during conflict in a democratic state, it is difficult to abdicate the responsibility to protect human rights. Given the basic nature of this issue, it is vital to control it on a constitutional and legal level. According to Article 3 of the Constitution of Ukraine, the state has an obligation to ensure human rights, which determines the direction of its activity and functional orientation. The state is responsible for the realization and affirmation of human rights. Therefore, martial law cannot be used to waive the obligation to ensure human rights. The Constitution of Ukraine also contains provisions that determine the specifics of the implementation of individual human rights in the conditions of martial law.

The conceptual problems of the formation of the national doctrine of parliamentarism are highlighted. Stating the fact that the most multifaceted and complex problem is the establishment of representative democracy in Ukraine and the optimal form of organization of state power, it is proposed to strengthen the doctrinal foundations of modern parliamentarism in the national constitutional science and education. Analyzing the complex of essential and substantive characteristics of parliamentarism as a phenomenon of modern constitutional law, promising directions for the development of the doctrine of parliamentary law and process are determined. The synergistic relationship between the theory of modern parliamentarism, the principles of representative democracy and the fundamental institutions of the constitutional system is shown. It is proved that parliamentarism as a socio-political phenomenon is one of the most important achievements of civilization. Parliamentarism is directly related to the recognition and realization of the values and principles of constitutionalism and people’s sovereignty, the priority of human rights, the constitution of institutions of representative democracy and the idea of parliamentary supremacy in the system of public authorities. It is argued that in order for parliamentarism to function effectively, efficiently and effectively, it is necessary not only to form but also consistently implement a system of legal principles and norms, functionally teleologically oriented and structurally defined and designed for its material and procedural support. This task is assigned primarily to constitutional law as a fundamental branch of national law, substantively formalized and functionally implemented in one of its subsectors, which is traditionally parliamentary law, which, in turn, is rightly considered the legal basis of parliamentarism. It is stated that parliamentarism is not an attribute, criterion or result of a purely parliamentary form of government. As a result of democratic organization of socio-political life, a form of realization of the principles of people’s sovereignty, democracy, separation of powers and rule of law, political and ideological pluralism, parliamentarism in the synergistic unity of its axiological, ontological, functional-teleological, institutional and other components. (so- called parliamentary-presidential or presidential-parliamentary), and the presidential form of republican organization of the state, as well as parliamentary or dual monarchies. Given this, parliamentarism is a unique phenomenon and a universal phenomenon in the system of modern constitutionalism and democratic statehood, inherent in various forms of government. The author draws attention to the civilizational and historical context of parliamentarism. Understanding both the historical and modern experience of the organization and activities of state power, its interaction with civil society, through the prism of a civilizational approach allows us to understand the prospects of parliamentarism in Ukraine in the distant future. Without exaggeration, the civilizational approach allows us to understand the meaning of the national experience of parliamentarism and compare it with the experience of democratic reforms in the West, where parliamentarism has long been a stable civilizational tradition.

Historically, the ruling theory of British labour law, collective laissez-faire, was rooted in distrust of courts. Over the last forty years, there have been profound and enduring constitutional changes. Successive governments have pursued deregulatory agendas through legislation, and workers and organized labour have turned increasingly to courts to vindicate their fundamental rights. In light of these changes, this article re-assesses the case against courts in British labour law. It identifies a vital yet subsidiary role for courts in labour law. This should lead scholars to reappraise the marginalization of doctrinal legal scholarship, lest the legal academy become stranded between frivolity and despair. Courts, Fundamental Rights, Statutory Interpretation, Trade Unions, Strategic Litigation

This Article challenges the basic premise in the law of gerrymandering that partisanship is a constitutional government purpose at all. The central problem, Justice Scalia once explained in Vieth v. Jubilerer, is that partisan gerrymandering becomes unconstitutional only when it “has gone too far,” giving rise to the intractable inquiry into “how much is too much.” But the premise that partisanship is an ordinary and lawful purpose, articulated confidently as settled law and widely understood as such, is largely wrong as constitutional doctrine. The Article surveys constitutional law to demonstrate the vitality of an important, if implicit norm against government partisanship across a variety of settings. From political patronage, to government speech, to election administration and even in redistricting itself, Vieth is the exception in failing to bar tribal partisanship as a legitimate state interest in lawmaking. The puzzle therefore is why the Supreme Court in Vieth diverged from this overarching norm for legislative redistricting where the need for government nonpartisanship is most acute and so rarely met. The Article proposes a new approach focused on legitimate state interest and partisan purpose, building on a constitutional norm against government partisanship. The importance of consolidating and reifying this norm, in its most salient legal context, cannot be overstated at a time when hyperpolarization between the major parties dominates national politics and is at its most severe in our lifetime.

After the Legislative Yuan elections in December 2004, Taiwan’s political arena was, once again, echoing with recurring calls for French-style political cohabitation. Despite the similarity with the French constitutional system, the two systems differ in the gap between what is written in the Constitution in Taiwan and what is practiced. Why did cohabitation not occur in Taiwan? What has prevented cohabitation since President Chen Shui-bian’s election victory in 2000? This article sets out to analyse the above questions by comparing the ways in which Taiwan drafts its constitutional rules with those used in France. And special attention is paid to the gap between constitutional norms and principles and the application of the constitution in practice.

This article analyzes the relationship between the rights of people with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) and the ethics of care, in the context of inclusive public policies aimed at education in Brazil. The main objective is to investigate how the ethics of care can influence the creation and implementation of policies that promote the inclusion and protection of the rights of autistic people, addressing issues such as equality, access to education, and the construction of a more inclusive society. In the functionalist society of social roles and utilitarian values, an essential outline of the dignity of the human person and its value consequences, embodied in constitutional norms and principles, marks a hermeneutic criterion for the construction of a just, fraternal, and supportive society. Emancipatory policies aimed at children with ASD imply the realization of social rights, emphasizing the maximum effectiveness of fundamental rights. Furthermore, the ethics of care in the social right to education of people with ASD, addressing concepts from Winnicott and Boff, and highlighting the importance of affection and recognition, consider overcoming ethical models based on legalism and utilitarian culture, rewriting the history of fraternity to overcome the functionalism of risks and calculations in the plan of social engagement so recurrent in the society of statistics and budget.