Country Ownership?

Country-owned, as opposed to donor-driven, is a principle within the development sector that recognizes the centrality of countries’ leadership, systems, and resources in executing programs and achieving sustainable development. In alignment with this notion, the Immunization Agenda 2030 was developed with country ownership as one of four core principles of the ambitious ten-year plan. This means that the success of immunization programs, including those with eradication and elimination goals such as polio, measles, and rubella, and those with broader equity goals to “leave no one behind” on immunization, would be largely driven by country systems. In this paper we deconstruct country ownership into five operational principles: commitment, coordination, capacity, community participation, and accountability. Through this lens, we illustrate how two countries, Nepal and Nigeria, have exemplified country ownership in their measles and rubella elimination programs and we infer the ways in which country ownership drives system performance and sustains program efforts.

As an emerging donor of Official Development Assistance (ODA), the South Korean government has announced that it will provide a ‘South Korean Model of Development Cooperation’. This paper explores how the South Korean development experience from the twentieth century can be transformed into an alternative for development cooperation in the twenty-first century. The early aid management system in South Korea contributed to the bureaucratic capacity-building that was necessary for the installation of the developmental state. In its quest for industrialization, the authoritarian developmental state in South Korea maintained autonomy vis-à-vis foreign donors, foretelling the ‘country ownership’ principle in today's global norms of ODA. However instructive the South Korean experience may be, it will not work as a ‘one size fits all’ model for the twenty-first century development due to such fundamental changes in the global political economy as the WTO regime and democracy promotion. In this regard, South Korea's own double transition of economic liberalization and democratization offers another important lesson. Therefore, we suggest a South Korean ‘alternative’ that respects both the global norms for development cooperation and the national democratic aspirations. It would be a democratic developmental state whose autonomy is more deeply embedded in civil society and whose capacity further expands human capabilities.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how political and technical factors influence climate finance coordination in different country contexts. Emerging scholarly and policy literature calls for the improved coordination of climate finance to enhance the effectiveness of multiple sources of funding for adaptation and mitigation purposes, with country ownership over coordination emerging as a potential approach. However, few studies have examined how climate finance coordination unfolds at the national level in developing countries. This paper presents findings from a comparative assessment of climate finance coordination practices in Kenya and Zambia, drawing on semi-structured interviews, policy documents, and relevant literature. Specifically, the paper investigates how political and technical forces shape climate finance coordination in contexts with varying country ownership over the coordination process. We find that political factors relating to power dynamics, framings of climate finance, and vested interests play a strong role in shaping how actors interact, hampering coordination efforts within the climate finance landscape in both countries. This adds a new dimension to calls for greater country ownership, which we suggest needs to be paired with a critical examination of political struggles and contestation. Key policy insights Underlying political factors relating to conflicting vested interests, different framings and discourses, political will, and power dynamics play a substantive and overarching role in shaping climate finance coordination in Kenya and Zambia. These political factors limit the extent to which greater country ownership translates to better or more effective coordination of climate finance; as such, ownership needs to be examined in the context of political struggles and contestation. Instead of just aiming to improve coordination through more formalized coordination structures, capacity building and reduced fragmentation, countries also need to be more transparent and acknowledge the deep-seated interests within the climate finance landscape, to make visible the winners and losers of various coordination mechanisms and structures.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the capabilities and characteristics of Turkish manufacturing firms that engage in outward FDI activity. To this end, the paper aims to explore how these firms' capabilities vary with the sample characteristics including subsidiary age, size, sector, host country location, ownership pattern and market entry mode.Design/methodology/approachThe data were gathered via cross‐sectional survey from a sample 94 Turkish manufacturing firms (TMFs) that have subsidiaries based in 28 different countries. Both univariate and multivariate tests were used to analyze the data.FindingsFindings show that sample firms had strong firm‐specific capabilities when they started to expand their business activities through foreign direct investment (FDI). The firm‐specific capabilities were grouped into four categories as operation‐related, product‐related, marketing‐related and management‐related. While the capabilities of the sample firms varied to a moderate extent with their age and size, and to a limited extent with market entry mode, no significant differences were noted with respect to the industry, host country location and ownership pattern.Research limitation/implicationRelying on the perceptual assessment of single respondents constitutes the main limitation of this study. There is also a need to collect data from other emerging or developed countries to enable comparisons between Turkey and other countries.Originality/valueThis is one of the few studies which attempt to examine the firm‐specific capabilities of FDI firms from an emerging country.

This publication intends to improve the chances of success of Poverty Reduction Strategies (PRSs) in two ways: 1. To show policymakers how strategic communication can help them achieve some of their objectives in formulating and executing effective Poverty Reduction Strategies. 2. To give technocrats and officials, actively engaged in the execution of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), guidance on best practice, as well as lessons from a community of practice spread around the world. One of the main lessons of this study is that PRSPs are not implemented in green houses, but in very specific national contexts. Depending on the situation in each country, the following structural factors are critical to whether or not you can have genuine citizen participation in, and ownership of PRSPs: the underlying political culture can be decisive; the state of the mass media in the specific country is also a crucial factor; access to official information is the third structural impediment; the fourth is the density and capacity of civil society organizations (CSOs) in each country; and, finally, there is the vexed question of communication capacity within government. The skilled management of public opinion is an essential skill for all governments, yet the information ministry in many countries is a backwater of low skill, low pay, and low morale. This affects the implementation of Poverty Reduction Strategies in quite significant ways. This publication offers policymakers and their technical staff four important forms of support: 1. Case studies from a variety of countries on the use of communication to enhance the effectiveness of Poverty Reduction Strategies; 2. Best practice guidance on which methods are known to have been effective and which have been less so; 3. An analysis of the structural impediments to participation and country ownership; and, 4. A detailed list of further sources of information and guidance.

The importance of social policy in the developmental trajectory of low- and middle-income countries has been increasingly recognized alongside a heightened focus on universal social protection in global dialogues. International entities, such as the International Labour Organization and the United Nations, have prioritized this in their goals; yet, views on how best to implement these objectives often differ between donor and aid recipient countries. Focusing on Indonesia, an emerging economy, this chapter evaluates the role of external actors in the nation’s social policy development. Despite the challenges posed by donor interests often overshadowing those of recipients, Indonesia showcases notable strides in its social policy, particularly in health. This chapter emphasizes the Paris Principles on Aid Effectiveness, particularly the “country ownership” concept, arguing for greater control by recipient nations over their developmental policies. The findings, based on Indonesia’s experience, show varied adherence to this principle among international donors, offering a nuanced understanding of social policy development in emerging Southeast Asian economies.

MotivationTurkey has been acknowledged as a “successful” example of Universal Health Coverage (UHC) reforms and has recently gained donor “darling status.” While the literature on UHC and health reforms in various countries has increased significantly in recent years, there is still little research on the political dynamics of the rise of UHC in national and global development agendas.PurposeThis study examines the politics of UHC in Turkey’s Health Transformation Program (HTP). It investigates how various policy actors, such as international organizations, policy experts and national political leaders, use UHC framing for different purposes.Approach & MethodsThe article develops an interdisciplinary conceptual framework that combines elements of ideational scholarship and critical policy analysis. The analysis is based on a review of the secondary literature and primary sources. Qualitative content analysis is used to identify major themes and analyse patterns of interactions across the various policy levels.FindingsThe article’s main findings demonstrate the ways in which international actors and national policy‐makers engage in policy work and use their relationships, global policy ideas and experiences to build legitimacy and support for their respective agendas. Reforms in Turkey were proposed and implemented before the rise of UHC in the global agenda, suggesting an ex post facto rebranding of its reforms as UHC. For Turkey’s policy‐makers, rebranding worked to tie their policy solutions, summarized in the HTP, to UHC as a widely accepted cultural symbol. The Ministry of Health’s deliberate strategy to encourage data collection and monitoring was also a key part of its efforts to construct a success narrative in collaboration with global policy actors. For the global‐level advocates of UHC, Turkey provided evidence that UHC works. Before it became a target under the health‐related Social Development Goals (SDGs), advocates needed to demonstrate that they had the right framing and metrics for a UHC agenda. After 2015, successful examples have served as strategic tools for building support and political momentum as the agenda was diffused, and as these diverse agendas and interests overlapped.Policy ImplicationsThis article contributes to the current debates on policy diffusion, translation and implementation of the UHC agenda. It unpacks the use of success stories to navigate the political dynamics among national governments and global policy communities. Success stories, alongside an emphasis on country ownership, may serve to encourage the co‐production of policy across local, national and global levels.

BackgroundDrowning is the sixth leading cause of death worldwide for children aged 5–14 years, making it an urgent priority for many countries. However, over 90% of drowning deaths occur in...

Achieving the health MDGs: country ownership in four steps

The United States President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), launched by President Bush with strong bipartisan support, was a historic moment in development both in size and scope. With $18.8 billion across its first 5 years, it is the largest international health initiative in history for a specific disease. In scope, it is the first global initiative to tackle a chronic disease and was based in a new philosophical foundation centered in country ownership, a results-based accountable approach, the engagement of all sectors, and good governance. With resources and a strong intellectual base, PEPFAR saved lives and provided lessons learned for effective development.

<p>With a prevalence rate of 3.1%, Nigeria has a generalized HIV/AIDS epidemic. Like much other developing countries, Nigeria has to collaborate with development partners to fight the HIV/AIDS scourge. This review assesses the impact of foreign aid initiatives on the fight against HIV/AIDS in Nigeria. It examines Nigeria’s capacity and willingness to independently own a sustainable provision of HIV/AIDS care in the country. This paper assesses the outcomes of the HIV/AIDS scheme. Our review indicates that foreign aid initiatives were responsible for the rapid scale-up in HIV/AIDS services and improvement in morbidity and mortality rates. While foreign aids have contributed to the reversal of both prevalence and incidence rates of HIV, donor funded initiatives have overstretched the workforce and the health systems thus diverting healthcare emphases towards specific disease intervention programmes. Evaluation of outcomes measures has consistently excluded viral load assessment, antiretroviral resistant testing and the provision of salvage regimen. Nigeria’s budgetary allocation to the health sector is still very low, consequently, government willingness and commitment to the fight against HIV/AIDS is grossly inadequate. The HIV/AIDS programme is still donors dependent and often seen as “donor-agency things”. The global aid initiatives have recorded a milestone achievement in the fight against HIV infections in Nigeria. While much is needed from the donor agencies, Nigeria must ensure deliberate commitment towards an independent ownership of HIV/AIDS scheme in Nigeria. </p>

Civil society organizations, the implementing partners of the Global Vaccine Action Plan

Donors, Neo-Liberalism and Country Ownership in Southeast Asia

Global family planning programs after the demise of U.S. Foreign Aid: How do we measure success?

Donors, neo-liberalism and country ownership in Southeast Asia