Cover(ing) migration: the visual narrativisation of flight, asylum, and security practices

ABSTRACTAs labor migration policies increasingly operate at the crossroads of neoliberal political economies, nativist nationalisms and assertive human rights activism, serious debates have emerged about whose logic is setting the discourse on migration issues, in what direction and with what justifications. Yet, while the actors driving the public discourse have been a central concern for scholars interested in the institutional transformation of migration politics, research on the migration discourse and claims-making has largely overlooked them. Drawing on an original data set of 1,300 collective claims on labor migration reported in Israeli print media during 2000–2012, we investigate two aspects of claims-making: the public claims mobilised by state and non-state actors, and the discursive opportunity structure in which they evolve. Our analysis of the claims mobilised by actors situated in different institutional positions and their political framings regarding the control and integration of legal and undocumented labor migrants seeks to fill the gap in the migration discourse literature. We also contribute to recent claims-making and political mobilisation analyses by bringing the actor-driven logic to bear on major debates regarding the institutional politics of migration and examining them empirically in relation to each other.

Chapter 1 demonstrated the problem migration poses for security studies and articulated an alternative way of conceptualizing security that is capable of moving beyond the state. Chapter 2 then excavated the process of seeking security and the paradox brought about by the journey to seek security: the journey itself often undermines a migrant’s status as an asylum seeker as designated by the state, even though that individual might have self-identified as an asylum seeker often before embarking upon the journey, or during the journey. In this chapter I turn to the relationship between migration, security and human rights in order to present a deeper understanding of how the ordering of the world places limits on migration, even as migrants simultaneously contest those limits in their actions. Human rights have been considered integral to security, most prominently within the Aberystwyth approach to critical security as emancipation, and within the human security framework. In this chapter I explore the tension that exists between the Aberystwyth school’s focus on emancipation and post-structural iterations of security that have critiqued emancipation as remaining too close to Western liberal ideas. I argue that human rights are linked to extant conceptualizations and practices of security, in particular the ends of securing the sovereign state.

Being one of the core values of the European Union, human rights have been centrally located in the European Union-Turkey relations especially since the country gained the candidate status in 1999. In human rights practices, the actor who comes to the forefront most on behalf of the state against the citizens whose rights must be protected is the police force. Therefore, the security practices enforced by the police form a huge part of human rights practices in the state and thus play a decisive role in Turkey’s relations with the Union. This article presents an evaluation of the so-called ‘internal security package’, which has just passed into law, and its potential impact on European Union-Turkey relations. The package includes specific amendments regarding the police duties and authorities, which unarguably affect human rights practices in the country. As the Union lacks a uniform norm relating to the security practices the package in question contains, the answer to the question will be sought by screening two sources: EU progress reports on Turkey and relevant ECtHR decisions, which provide definite judgements regarding the threats and risks posed by the package under discussion.

List of Tables Acknowledgments Introduction 1. Human Rights Pressures, Legitimacy, and State Responses 2. Placing Human Rights on the Government's Agenda, 1973-1975 3. Changing Discourse and Security Practices, 1976-1977 4. Building New Political Institutions through the 1980 Constitution 5. Legitimacy and Elections in the 1980s 6. Chile in International and Comparative Perspective Notes Bibliography Index

This paper investigates migration discourse in Croatian news media by combining corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis approach. It first focuses on the phraseological and grammatical context of the terms migrant, imigrant, izbjeglica and azilant, whereupon it investigates the background of such linguistic behaviour. The latter is examined by means of critical discourse analysis, hence, by taking into account the non-linguistic context. This includes the analysis of historical, cultural and political context or sometimes even the relevant case law and standards of protection guaranteed in international humanitarian and human rights law. Results of the study suggest that discrimination does not occur only in the most obvious acts of inhuman treatment, such as pushbacks, but also in the language the media use when reporting on migration process.

Mobility practices, discourse and measurement need rethinking in an age of energy shortages, environmental anxiety and virtual mobility. Standard numerical indexes and other proxies for geographical mobility can be misleading, not least in formulating public policy. The extremes of spatial mobilities in Africa may require particularly sensitive consideration; the peculiar social, psychological and economic dimensions of geographical mobility on the continent certainly need registering. Yet the exceptionalism of the African case is overdrawn and the developmentalism inherent in yearnings for more mobility is a short-term exaggeration. Revaluing totemic mechanised mobility is urgently required. The way we act on, and the way we think, talk and write about, geographical mobility needs reconceptualising in terms of fairness, equity, environmental justice, and human rights.

How does the intersection of authoritarian populism and a global pandemic reinforce the suppression of human rights, dismantle environmental protections, and accelerate resource extraction? In parts of Southeast Asia, the rise of authoritarian regimes has created conditions of impunity in which state and non-state actors have exploited restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic to restrain activism, contain indigenous livelihoods, and intensify resource exploitation. This article explores how political control and violence against activists (‘defenders') under authoritarian Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte have intersected with and been reinforced throughCOVID-19 health measures to curtail grass-roots efforts to protect social and environmental safeguards. Since March 2020, violence against defenders has gone viral as activism in the country has been quarantined. Under Duterte's authoritarian populist rhetoric, state actors, parastatal and shadowy assassins have allegedly used public health measures to suppress activism further,enabling the harassment, arrests, and deaths of defenders and the intensification of resource extraction. Based on a critical review of news media and conservation policy, I describe the history and current context of defenders being 'quarantined' by authorities using lockdown measures to coercively suppress social and environmental activism across the country. I examine cases from Palawan Island to show how political authorities and elites have used COVID-19 to suppress defender mobility and enforcement practices and how lulls in defending and discourses of 'pandemic recovery' have facilitated mining and deforestation. The conclusion asserts that paying attention to how political conjunctures produce violent governance and local resistance reveals civil society's crucial role and vulnerabilities in protecting human rights and the environment in the Philippines and Southeast Asia.

A collection of recent works offer a route into rethinking the ethics of borders at a time when the rules and practices of global mobility have been called into question by the coronavirus pandemic. What counts as a legitimate justification for the closure of borders and who gets to decide? Who has responsibility for the protection of refugees? Just how practical is the ideal of ‘open borders’ and is there a trade-off between justice in immigration and the stability of a liberal political order? While some commentators have claimed that the coronavirus pandemic sounded the death knell for the ideal of open borders, its true import is to highlight our mutual vulnerability and the need for effective global co-ordination of migration and asylum. The four contributions I discuss provide vital moral arguments and conceptual distinctions relevant to thinking about the contours of a post-pandemic regime of global mobility. While they differ on the question of who the liberal state may justifiably exclude, and on the desirability and practicality of cosmopolitan reform, they converge in assigning states a far greater role in protecting the human rights of vulnerable non-citizens and in their condemnation of a cruel and repressive status quo.

The article explores the issue of ensuring proper protection of property rights and the necessity of choosing the most effective method for this purpose. Key issues in this area are highlighted with the aim of implementing effective state mechanisms for the protection of property rights and the observance of the rights and legitimate interests of owners. It is emphasized that the chosen method for protecting a violated, unrecognized, or disputed subjective civil right must meet the criterion of effectiveness, which should be understood as the ability to restore the property status that existed before the unlawful encroachment. Effective protection of civil rights not only contributes to the restoration of the violated right but also plays an important preventive role, as participants in civil relations must be confident that their violated, unrecognized, or disputed civil rights, freedoms, or interests will be properly and reliably protected. At the same time, it is stated that the right to protection, by its legal nature, is an integral element of human and citizen rights. In this regard, the article analyzes the relevant provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine, the Civil Code, and the Civil Procedure Code, which regulate these legal relations, as well as certain aspects related to the consideration of such cases in courts. Furthermore, legal conclusions of the Supreme Court are provided, which are important for ensuring the unity of judicial practice. In addition, references are made to the relevant provisions of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. It is noted that the methods of protection, by their purpose, may be considered as legally defined mechanisms of substantive legal means for safeguarding civil rights and interests, which are activated by a court decision in case of their violation or real threat of such violation. At the same time, the aim of applying a particular method of protection is to eliminate uncertainty in the relationships between subjects, create the necessary conditions for the realization of the right, and prevent actions by persons who obstruct its exercise. Despite the fact that the judicial form of protecting property rights should be recognized as the most effective, the importance of choosing, in each specific case, the method of protection that can ensure the actual restoration of the violated rights and legitimate interests of the owners is emphasized.

Wars, occupation regimes, and all other forms of political violence have a multidimensional and singular impact on all aspects of human life. In the spatial and temporal dimension, cities are always the primary targets of military interventions. The concept of urbicide as a specific violent policy against cities identifies direct or indirect destructive consequences for the physical and spatial structure of the city, urban experience, and urban identity. The article analyzes the changes in the functioning of Kherson and the everyday practices of its population aimed at surviving the occupation. It is determined that during the occupation, one of the «soft» scenarios of indirect urbicide was applied to the city with selective terror of the population and economic decline of the city. The post-occupation urbicide has all the signs of a more severe model of direct urbicide due to the constant shelling of the city, numerous damages to infrastructure, and further deterioration of the demographic structure and psycho-emotional state of the city's residents. The coexistence of citizens with the occupiers has been identified as one of the key challenges: 1) the militarization of urban space and a widespread sense of disenfranchisement with blatant human rights violations; 2) the absence of humanitarian aid deliveries, the cessation of local business, the banking system, and the introduction of the Russian ruble; 3) the elimination of access to Ukrainian communications and media, the occupation of the information space, and the transformation of urban identity; 4) the massive departure of the population from the occupied city. The study summarizes the strategies of the population's response to the challenges of wartime and the occupation regime. Under the influence of the restrictions of the military occupation regime, the city's population has actualized and developed specific security, adaptation, altruistic, communication and infrastructure everyday practices. In the active phase of hostilities during russia's current large-scale military intervention, this transformation of everyday practices has become the basis for mechanisms of survival, moral and civil resistance.

This paper uses Foucault’s concept of governmentality to examine relationships between globalisation, the threat of infectious diseases and biosecurity. It draws attention to forms of calculated practices which Foucault notes as technologies of power that aim to foster positive demographic and economic trends in societies through the apparatus of security. These practices are employed at the global level with similar ambitions; hence, we adopt the term global governmentality. We discuss the applications of global governmentality by actors in the global core through the apparatus of security and (neo)liberal economic practices. We then provide examples of resistance/contestation from actors mainly in the global periphery through discussions of viral sovereignty; access to essential medicines, including HIV drugs; and health for all as a human right. We conclude that despite the core-periphery power asymmetry and competing paradigms, these developments tend to complement and/or regulate the phenomenon termed global governmentality, which is made evident by the tremendous successes in global health.

A New Human Right to Freedom from Corruption

In this article the authors address the impact which post-September 11 counter-terrorist legislation has had on human rights and civil liberties in a number of common law jurisdictions. The authors conclude that the counter-terrorist legislative regimes in the countries discussed in the article do impinge significantly upon human rights, and argue in favour of a ‘balancing approach’ towards reconciling such legislation with domestic, regional and international human rights obligations. The authors conclude with some general guidance for legal and policy decision-makers on how to balance the (frequently opposed) interests of national security and human rights protection.

The application of human rights is one of the main variables that measure the democratic status of a country. While in traditional literature, public law, which includes human rights, and criminal law were divided, in recent years, judges have also appliedhuman rights in legal decisions related to criminal cases. This is more evident in the case of Albania, where an individual constitutional complaint against the violation of human rights has also been established in the Constitution. In other words, afterthe decision of the Supreme Court, citizens have direct access to the Constitutional Court, if their human rights have been violated. This paper studies the individual constitutional complaints in criminal cases in Albania. The case of Albania was chosen as one of the countries with a previous totalitarian regime. After identifying the criminal cases where human rights have been applied, this paper reviews the application of human rights in concrete disputes. In the conclusions reached, the research underlines the application of international human rights by Albanian constitutional judges.

This chapter discusses the role of religion in the construction of public and political responses to the refugee crisis by taking a closer look at the migration discourse in Polish weekly magazines credited with a major role in shaping public opinion. Presenting a critical discourse analysis based on material published since 2015, Joanna Krotofil and Dominika Motak compare discursive practices in three leading weekly magazines associated with both the “left” and the “right” ends of the political spectrum: a conservative Catholic-oriented magazine and two explicitly Catholic periodicals. They argue that religion plays a crucial role in the public discourse on migrants. While the official standpoint of the Catholic Church in Poland stresses the duty of every Christian to shelter and support refugees, the right-wing political milieu (including the ruling national-conservative party) presents the refugees as a threat to the national identity of Poland. Their construction of Polish identity is inextricably intertwined with Catholicism as it revives the historical concept of Poland as the rampart of Christianity. This rhetoric, Krotofil and Motak conclude, displays a semantic continuity with traditional folk religiosity, but at the same time has some features characteristic of the fundamentalist polarization of the social world into in-group and out-group.