Crimean War in Fiction

This study analyzed violent crime reports in three large circulation newspapers and tested by survey the relationship between newspaper reporting of crime and fear of crime. As was expected, there was a nexus between more sensationalist newspaper reporting and the public’s fear of crime. Unexpected findings were an inverse relationship between newspaper format and awareness of violent crime, and also between awareness of crime and fear of crime.

Reviewed by: The Crimean War in the British Imagination May Caroline Chan (bio) Stefanie Markovits, The Crimean War in the British Imagination (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. xi + 287, $95 cloth. Many readers will never look at a balaclava or a cardigan the same way after reading this engaging study about the Crimean War’s underexamined legacy in mid-Victorian novels, poetry, visual culture, and journalistic practices. Stefanie Markovits asks why this significant military conflict seems to have left little visible impress on mid-Victorian culture besides the figure of Florence Nightingale, Lord Cardigan’s name, and the woollen souvenir from the Balaklava battlefield. Answering the question shows how a vexed public sentiment produced a complicated, troubled response toward what ultimately became a failed war, and how a new journalism gave voice to this ambivalence. Markovits provides an extensive treatment of the Times, especially in the first chapter, while the subsequent chapters use the Examiner, the Illustrated London News, and Punch to present the new interactive journalistic practice influencing authors and artists attempting to capture the conflicted patriotism and wrestling with the implications of a stillborn British military masculinity at midcentury. The first and third chapters are notable in their ability to reexamine texts for their responses to public discourse about the Crimean War’s problems within a newspaper context. This is not to say the other chapters are not periodical-oriented, but that these two chapters offer instructive ways of performing work with periodicals and are impressive in persuading readers to reconsider the long but previously hidden reach of Crimean war discourse. The first chapter presents a compelling examination of how the Crimean War changed journalistic practices by situating it firmly within a mutual participatory relationship with its reading public, boosting a democratic journalism and the editorial power to influence policy (or to motivate individuals, such as Nightingale, to act). Markovits details how readers’ letters to the editor in the Times took on increased significance for their ability to supply much-needed information about conditions in the Crimea from soldiers’ letters, complementing war correspondents’ reports and responding to the imagined conditions. This dynamic is echoed in the third chapter, where Markovits shows how difficult it was for Tennyson to sympathize with Lord Cardigan’s “blunder” at Balaklava in his poem, “The Charge of the Light Brigade.” Markovits sees his hesitation as resulting from a belief that “a journalist is the Homer of this age . . . . The poet’s ‘frenzy’ is thus simultaneously a mark of excess and of sham” (126). The creation of Tennyson’s iconic poem was an exercise in negotiating the credibility [End Page 448] and relevancy gaps, as well as solidifying the troubling wartime identity. It would have been interesting to hear more on Markovits’s thoughts about the famous recording of Tennyson’s reading of this poem in relation to these reflections. After consistent close readings of numerous texts and newspaper articles in her chapters, Markovits achieves her goal of arguing persuasively that “the influence of the war on the literature and art of the day was broader than has been recognized . . . and that the relative paucity of more straightforward responses to the conflict may have owed something to the difficulty in embodying its ‘incidents’ and ‘details’ in a suitably patriotic fashion, not to mention a ‘picturesque’ one” (212). May Caroline Chan The College of Saint Rose May Caroline Chan May Caroline Chan is Assistant Professor of English Literature at the College of Saint Rose in Albany, NY. Her specialties lie in travel literature and Rudyard Kipling. Her most recent essays are “Orientalism Multiplied: Rudyard Kipling’s View of Easternness in India and East Asia” in On and Off the Page: Mapping Place in Text and Culture (2009) and “Canton 1857” in the upcoming Victorian Review special forum, “Beyond Britain.” Copyright © 2011 The Research Society for Victorian Periodicals

This article describes the all-Russian scientific conference “International Intervention and Civil War in Russia and the Russian North: key problems, historical memory, and lessons of history”, held in Arkhangelsk, September 10–11, 2020. Co-organizers of the conference were the Russian Military-Historical Society and its Arkhangelsk branch, the Government of the Arkhangelsk Region, the M. V. Lomonosov Northern (Arctic) Federal University , and the Association of the Russian Civil War Scholars. Conference sponsors were the Russian Military- Historical Society and the Government of the Arkhangelsk Region. Established and younger scholars from 14 regions of Russia, as well as from Ukraine and Norway, took part in the conference and its proceedings. Conference participators considered the key problems of genesis, origins, and causes for the Russian Civil War, its modern conceptualization, the role of international intervention in Russia and the Russian North, results, consequences, and historical lessons of this war. Special attention was given to preparing of Volume XII (in two books), Civil War in Russia, 1917–1922, of the 20-volume academic series History of Russia and problems of historical and cultural memory of the Russian Civil War. Four sections and three roundtables considered questions of the dialectical relationship of international intervention and Civil War in Russia and the Russian North; of international, national, regional, and local dimensions of the Civil War; and of the individual at war. Conference participators pointed out the necessity of responsible, competent, and objective historical studies of the Russian Civil War, an attitude of care towards existing monuments and memorials, and strict examination and scientific expertise of new memorial projects devoted to this war.

The Crimean War brought destruction to Russia’s Black Sea peninsula but, like Napoleon’s invasion fifty years earlier, the war also became a central event in Russia’s national history. In his The Origins of the Crimean War (1994), David Goldfrank introduced readers to the complex diplomatic wrangling that led to the Crimean War. This article seeks to explain how and why the Crimean War (or “first great defense”) rivals only World War II (the “second great defense”) in Sevastopol’s urban biography. Because of the work of writers, filmmakers, sculptors, and architects – who during and after World War II began to link the first great defense with the second and used images similar to Leo Tolstoy’s a century earlier – Sevastopol retains its close connection to its pre-Revolutionary military history. Even in the Soviet period, Sevastopol’s urban biography relied less on the Bolshevik Revolution and Civil War than it did on the Crimean War because of the narrative reframing during the 1940s.

Contemporary history considers the Crimean War one of the most important European military campaign between the Napoleonic Wars and World War I. For the history of nursing this is an historical landmark, where, thanks to Florence Nightingale, the professional nursing was born. At the moment, the organization of health care and nursing of the Sardinian Piedmontese Army has not been the subject of extensive study. This report is meant to start the analysis of their commitment. Through analysis of primary historical sources, we would like to highlight the role of healthcare and nursing in the Sardinian-Piedmontese Army starting from 1855, during the Crimean War. We have analyzed the records stored in the archive of the Ispettorato Generale (part of the Ministry of War) in Turin and the reports by Army chief physician Dr. Comissetti, as well as the surveys in the archive of the Sisters of Charity at the convent of San Salvato in Turin, the letters of Florence Nightingale and the French doctors' testimonies. So we were able to shed light on the people involved in assistance and healthcare in the Sardinian -Piedmontese Army. A new, unprecedented historical research has shown the dedication and the daily work of male military personnel and religious during the Crimean War, a new aspect during this war that of what would later become the basis of the profession nursing.

Journal Article Russia's war on everybody and what it means for you; The Russia conundrum: how the West fell for Putin's power gambit—and how to fix it Get access Russia's war on everybody and what it means for you. By Keir Giles. London: Bloomsbury. 2022. 264pp. £20.00. Isbn978 1 35025 508 1. Available as e-book.The Russia conundrum: how the West fell for Putin's power gambit—and how to fix it. By Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Martin Sixsmith. London: WH Allen. 2022. 352pp. £20.00. Isbn978 0 75355 923 9. Available as e-book. Natia Seskuria Natia Seskuria Royal United Services Institute, UK Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 99, Issue 2, March 2023, Pages 872–873, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad038 Published: 06 March 2023

The research paper explores the impact of Russia’s war in Ukraine on post-Soviet space. Since 2014 the Russian aggression on Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is considered as an act of obvious violation of international law as well as an attempt to change the current world order established after the Soviet Union collapse when former Soviet republics gained full independence. But the new situation emerged by Russia's invasion of Ukraine threatens not only the existence of Ukraine as an independent state but it also creates similar threats to other post-Soviet republics that are located in Russia’s so called “near abroad”.The paper explores Russia's geopolitical interests in post-Soviet era and space towards the former Soviet republics. It emphasizes the peculiarities and impact of Russia’s war in Ukraine on ongoing processes in Eastern Europe, South Caucasus, and Central Asia. The concept of “Russian world” and its geopolitical provisions are also observed and analyzed. It is argued that this concept has no more potential to be advanced with the use of "soft power" tools. The paper also forecasts a strategic retreat for Russia in post-Soviet space as a probable consequence of the Ukrainian war because of losing by Russia the global information warfare and the lack of international support. It is concluded that Russia's aggression has a real potential to be copied and reproduced by other authoritarian leaders which will aggravate the situation in other post-Soviet conflict zones. At the same time, this war is also considered a struggle between democracy and autocratic rule expansion when the latter has less chance to succeed.

The article discusses the problem of personality adjustment among young people in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine and social upheavals in the early 21st century. It also describes social environment conditions as frustrating factors that affect the mass consciousness of the population, especially young people. The article reveals the features of personality adjustment in the context of its type, the impact on one's self-esteem and social activity, as well as the resilience of young people to psychologically traumatic events in the context of Russia's war against Ukraine. Consequently, according to their content, the article specifies the components of personality adjustment (cognitive, conative, emotional). The correlation analysis demonstrates that a reverse statistical correlation exists between planful problem-solving and problem-solving ability (r=286, p<0.01), positive reappraisal and the desire for dominance (r=-376, p<0.05), internality and seeking social support (r=-264, p<0.01), while a significant correlation is observed between self-acceptance and problem-solving (r=262, p<0.05), highlighting the interplay of planning, self-evaluation, responsibility, and independence in shaping young people's problem-solving and interpersonal dynamics. It highlights the need to develop new concepts for regulating the state of the mass consciousness via mass communication tools to maintain mental health and stability under wartime conditions in Ukraine. The article proposes a new approach to developing personality adjustment programmes to prevent frustration, neuroses and psychological traumas among young people in the conditions of Russia's war against Ukraine. It defines the concept of personality adjustment among young people under wartime conditions in Ukraine, identifies frustrating factors affecting them and explores young people's personality adjustment and attitudes towards Russia's war against Ukraine.

The Crimean War is one of the important turning points in Ottoman-Russian relations. While the Ottoman Empire tried to maintain its declining influence in the Black Sea with the support of its European allies, Russia tried to increase its influence in both the Balkans and the North Caucasus. Against this policy of Russia, the resistance groups in the North Caucasus tried to gain the support of the Ottoman Empire and its allies, while trying to create unity among themselves. The movements in the North Caucasus, which were far from forming any unity and providing organized resistance, ended after the war when Russia launched a total occupation and colonization activity in the Caucasus region. The war and resistance in the region gave way to one of the greatest tragedies in history, in which hundreds of thousands of Circassians were exiled and subjected to massacres. In this study, the situation in the North Caucasus during and after the Crimean War will be evaluated.

Crimean War of 1853 1856 is a factor of important socio-political and socio-medical reforms. Study of these cases is characterized as interdisciplinary. At the edge of Crimean War Great Britain press highlighted aspiration of the empire to capture russian territories of Black sea region, also reforms and work of E.Chadwick, founder of public health system, were criticized, he was wanted to be away from members of parliament and London oligarchs due to his extreme reforms and British corruption. The article represents several effects of Crimean War, its meaning for establishing of public health system in Great Britain, reforms and pioneering work of Edwin Chadwick, Florence Nightingale, also brought up issues of urbanization, pauperism, migration, corruption, health care of cities and army. Developing ideas of utilitarianism and benthamism, E.Chadwick proved advantage of establishing of public health system, centralization of cities administration, anticorruption efforts. His undue dismissal was passing during Crimean War, preparation for abolition of serfdom and keeping of autocracy in Russia. In this period innovation seemed inconsistent to British people considering century principles for local government and nonintervention to domestic affairs of kingdom. Russia and its Black sea regions, which have become war objective for British Empire, were named as corrupted country by English press. But corruption in Great Britain, unique position of members of parliament and London oligarchs have become reasons for dismissal of founder of public health system in Great Britain. After Crimean War in cities there was a problem of social assistance for widows, street children, families with many children, epidemics. Issues of mortality, healthcare of cities and army also became an object of parliamentary debates, requiring constant interference of the government, establishing of social policy. Fresh impetus and acceptance of establishing of public health system, as well as a social policy in Great Britain have become evident in period of Crimean War after successful public activity of sister of Mercy F.Nightingale, who addressing the House with reports on morbidity level in army, highlighting existence of these social problems and peacetime in Great Britain and Black Sea regions.

In October 1853, a war erupted between the Russian and the Ottoman empires, which became the celebrated Crimean War in the following year. The Danubian theatre, one of the crucial scenes of the war, witnessed both belligerents trying to discover the other's activities and planned operations. As they were inhabited by cosmopolitan and heterogeneous populations, Dobruca (Dobruja) and Bessarabia were the most convenient places for both parties to gather military intelligence. The Ottomans acquired information via the Wallachians and the Cossacks, as well as by diplomatic missions and various merchants. The Ottoman Empire's Orthodox Christian subjects – the Bulgarians and Greeks – assisted Russia in gathering information from the right bank of the Danube. Some of these reports were unreliable, as were the spies themselves. The Russian and Ottoman archives have rich resources related to military intelligence, which is an understudied aspect of the Crimean War. Relying upon the archival sources, this paper aims to discuss an entirely ignored topic: the espionage activities in the Balkan theatre during the Crimean War.

The Crimean War has long been thought to furnish the supreme example of a commercial peace in the midst of war, when the free trade spirit inspired unparalleled deference to the requirements of trade .1 A favourite illustration of this is the curious case of the loan floated for Russia in London in the midst of the war .2 A very recent authority remarks: was a sign of governmental nonintervention in the network of credit facilities that a loan for Russia was floated on the London money market during the Crimean War .A3 This loan in negation of British policy 4 iS moreover said to have been floated with the permission of the British government .5 It was in the ' ordinary way of business ', the foreign secretary of the day is described as noting, and therefore ought not to be interfered with .6 The whole episode is repeatedly used as striking proof of mid-nineteenth century economic internationalism and laissez-faire. In reality, however, the Crimean War provides no such example of the migration of British capital untramelled by government policy or patriotic feeling. The Russian Government floated two loans in the course of this war, in June 1854 and in December 1855. Both were of 50 million silver roubles, in a 5 per cent. stock. The first was brought out through Messrs. Hope of Amsterdam at 93, and the second through Mendelssohn of Berlin at 86. The Committee of the London Stock Exchange forbade each to be quoted in their lists-a ban which effectively prevented not only British subjects but also foreigners from dealing in them in the London market. Moreover, the prohibition of December was intended to be permanent. The Committee resolved unanimously, That they will not, either now or at the restoration of peace, recognise in, or allow the quotation of, any loan raised by a Power while at war with Great Britain 7 By contemporary British business men this ban imposed by a body . . . . which may be considered the European focus of all money transactions was hailed with satisfaction as a blow to the loan which will not easily

Does the Russian war in Ukraine presage a change in the rules of the game for secessionisms around the globe? In this article, we explore how the Russian war in Ukraine and the contested international order from which it emerges can affect state contestation and secessionist movements through changing opportunities in the international order. International recognition plays a crucial role in state creation. The Great Powers of a given historical moment have the capacity to raise sovereignty expectations since having “friends in high places” has been essential to obtaining statehood, alongside de facto control of the territory. However, the liberal international order in place since 1945 has given way to a more contested landscape that opens new opportunities for different recognition patterns, which change how secessionists evaluate their optimal strategy for state contestation. The effects have already been notable in conflicts such as Transnistria, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Kosovo, and many other territorial disputes, even “frozen conflicts” over the globe, from Western Sahara to Taiwan. We explore how Russia has created and exploited secessionist claims in eastern Ukraine to justify military aims in the Russian war in Ukraine. Based on a detailed review of the evolution of these claims, we draw different scenarios on the potential effects of a changing world order on state contestation. Our research suggests that the theoretical understanding of secession and secessionists’ optimal strategies need to be reviewed, taking into account the changing contested international order.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the reconstruction of the events that took place in the city of Mariinsk on May 25, 1918. On this day, the Czechoslovak Corps, which was located at the railway station, rebelled. In historiography it is believed that the uprising of the Czechs and Slovaks provoked a large-scale civil war in Russia. Methods and materials. The main sources for the study were the materials of the periodical press of that time. The newspapers “Siberian Life” and “Voice of the People” published articles by correspondents who directly observed the events taking place in the city or received information from direct participants in the uprising. In addition, archival materials were used, in particular, a telegram from a member of the executive committee of the Mariinsky Soviet of Deputies, Kolesnikov. Analysis. It was established that at the end of May 1918, there were three military and political forces in the city of Mariinsk: a local Red Guard detachment; a Red Guard outsider (the so-called partisans) that arrived from the cities of Western Siberia; and a Czechoslovak Corps. During the conflict that occurred between the two Red Guard units the local Red Guards were disarmed. After that the partisans began to rob local residents and apartments of railway workers. To calm them down, the troops of the Czechoslovak Corps intervened. They quickly disarmed the partisans and took control of the city. Analysis of the telegram of Kolesnikov, a member of the executive committee of the Mariinsky Council of Deputies, showed that it is a copy of the original and contains several significant errors. In particular, the uprising of the Czechoslovak Corps took place on the evening of May 25, and not in the morning, as indicated in the telegram. The Mariinsky events became known in Moscow on the same day. The Chairman of the Supreme Military Council, L. D. Trotsky, took advantage of this to issue a brutal order for the disarmament of the Czechoslovak Corps and the physical destruction of those Czechs who would not surrender to Soviet power. Results. To some extent, the uprising of the Czechoslovak Corps was forced. It was a response to the unrest that arose in the city after the conflict between two Red Guard detachments. The central Soviet authorities in Moscow took advantage of this and ordered the actual extermination of the Czechs. This was the impetus for the emergence of large-scale military operations and Civil War in Russia. Authors' contribution. A. N. Ermolaev identified historical sources, deciphered the text of the telegram, designed the text of the article. I. Yu. Uskov participated in the deciphering of the text of the telegram and the preparation of the text of the article.

Ruslan Grigorievich Gagkuev — Doctor of Historical Sciences, Chairman of the Board of the Russian Historical Society, Executive Director of the History of the Fatherland Foundation, leading researcher at the Center for Military History of Russia at the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Wellknown researcher of the history of the Civil War in Russia. Ruslan Grigorievich visited Omsk several times on scientific affairs. This interview was agreed upon during the preparation of the V International Scientific and Practical Conference «Civil War in the East of Russia: A Look Through the Documentary Heritage». The interview was given remotely and then edited by Ruslan Grigorievich from Moscow in October 2023. The conversation is devoted to the current state of the study of the Civil War in Russia and the development of domestic historical science.