Democratizing economics

Background: Today, the Eurasian Economic Union (hereinafter the EAEU) has formed its own labour market; however, in the current international environment, issues related to ensuring the health protection of migrants and their access to employment persist. Despite ongoing efforts within the EAEU to develop and deepen Eurasian integration and improve the regulatory framework, there is a need in the age of digitalisation to develop better access for workers to social protection and medical support systems. The relevance of this scientific article lies in the presence of problematic issues related to the fact that many migrants are not registered and lack the documentation to protect them legally and financially; this situation contributes to the development of informal employment and low labour productivity. Although the EAEU countries have established working and socio- economic conditions, the issue of ensuring health protection, access to work, and social protection for labour migrants remains unsolved. Methods: This article employs various methods of scientific cognition, including historical and legal analysis, comparative legal study, induction and deduction, as well as analysis and synthesis. It also applies the acts and regulations of the ILO. What is the role of protecting the socio-economic and labour rights of migrant workers as the main task of receiving states? In law enforcement practice, to what extent do the provisions of international agreements on the organised hiring of workers between receiving countries and countries of origin of migrants ensure the adaptation of migrants to the legal regime of the host country, the participation of migrants in the functioning of civil society institutions, and the monitoring of migration processes? How does national regulation of labour migration in integration associations of states rationally organise their actions on the principles of national treatment for migrant workers? Labour migration strengthens integration unions, creating strong social ties and developing civil society institutions within the boundaries of integration associations. Since state sovereignty is inextricably linked to the protection of the interests of fellow citizens in regulating labour migration, all states participating in regional integration are called upon not only to protect the rights of migrant workers but also to provide all conditions for migrants to fulfil their obligations to civil society. The study examined the free movement and provision of labour and social guarantees for labour migrants in the EAEU and compared their situation in the EU. It also surveyed labour migrants in the EAEU by questioning workers in education, medical care, and various private sectors. This article is based on the results of this study. This article examined the challenges in providing guarantees and social protection for EAEU labour migrants. It proposed improvements to legal regulatory mechanisms and outlined recommendations for improving and expanding opportunities for free movement while better safeguarding the social and labour rights of migrants in the EAEU. The study’s primary objectives were as follows: - Examining the provisions of the ILO Convention on migrant workers. - Collecting and analysing data on labour movement across the EAEU - Analysing international EU treaties regarding the legal status of migrant workers - Interviewing migrant workers in the EAEU on issues related to their provision of rights and guarantees under the EAEU Treaty. Results and conclusions: This study highlights the need to organise safe labour migration, provide labour migrants with full access to digital services, improve the system of vocational and technical education in line with labour market demands, as well as develop and implement a unified system for ensuring the safety of workers and their families. Successful adaptation in the host country is identified as a critical factor for both labour migrants and their families. The authors recommend adding a dedicated chapter to the EAEU treaty that would comprehensively address labour and social rights, along with their guarantees.

This study considered teachers' perspective on assessment policies and practices towards inclusive education in Ghana. Assessment is the pivot of special education services. With the inclusive education policy in operation, it is expected that teachers are cognizant about assessment policies for learners with special needs in inclusion. The objectives are to examine the importance of educational assessment towards inclusive education, assessment policies and practices towards inclusive education, and how to improve educational assessment policies and practices. The study was a quantitative study conducted in a special school and regular schools in the Shama District under the Ghana Education Service of the Western region. Fifty-two teachers were involved in the study through census approach, and questionnaire was used to collect the data. Frequency distribution and percentages were used to analyse the data. It was generally observed that the teachers were positive about the importance of educational assessment towards the practice of inclusive education in Ghana, however, it was apparent that the teachers had limited knowledge of assessment practices and policies in Ghana. The need to create public awareness, the political will to create assessment centres and the need for professional collaboration were recommended as strategies to improve assessment policies and practices in Ghana.

Protected areas for conservation and poverty alleviation: experiences from Madagascar Charlie J. Gardner*, Martin E. Nicoll, Tsibara Mbohoahy, Kirsten L. L. Oleson, Anitry N. Ratsifandrihamanana, Joelisoa Ratsirarson, Lily-Arison Ren e de Roland, Malika Virah-Sawmy, Bienvenue Zafindrasilivonona and Zoe G. Davies WWF Madagascar and Western Indian Ocean Programme Office, BP738, Antananarivo 101, Madagascar; Durrell Institute of Conservation and Ecology (DICE), School of Anthropology and Conservation, University of Kent, Canterbury, Kent CT2 7NR, UK; D epartement de Biologie, Facult e des Sciences, Universit e de Toliara, Toliara 601, BP 185, Toliara, Madagascar; Blue Ventures Conservation, Level 2 Annex, Omnibus Business Centre, 39-41 North Road, N7 9DP London, UK; ESSA-D epartement Eaux et Forets, Universit e d’Antananarivo, BP 175 Antananarivo, Madagascar; and The Peregrine Fund, BP 4113 Antananarivo, Madagascar

Civil society is often used as a point of reference in public and welfare policies. However, there are various notions of civil society. The most popular concept broadly equates it with the ‘third sector’. A second concept sees the key to a more civil society mainly in the public domain with its ability for intermediation. Finally, there is a third notion, arguing that a more civil society takes shape through a struggle to strengthen civility and civicness throughout society. This article outlines these three approaches and their respective strengths and weaknesses. With an eye on public policies and welfare reform, it is argued that the first approach tends to limit questions about civil society to issues of strengthening third sector-based service provision. Such a focus, however, marginalises the potential offered by the other two approaches for analysing gains and losses in civility and civicness across society at large.

This paper provides an analytical and methodological framework for examining the concept of effectiveness in the context of labour provisions in trade agreements. The main contribution of this article is to develop a sophisticated and multi-disciplinary concept of effectiveness of labour provisions in trade agreements. Labour provisions should be considered to be a multifaceted ‘policy mix’. While examining the process of how impact is brought about, a differentiation should be made between proximate (mostly legal, institutional and political) and distant (mostly socio-economic) outcomes. A mixed method approach that combines qualitative and quantitative approaches to evaluate effectiveness of labour provisions is suggested. We propose an analytical framework that is illustrated by a set of indicative case studies. The paper highlights that different elements of labour provisions can have effects on what we term ‘capacity’ in various shapes and levels, including the capacities of states, civil society actors and firms. In turn, such improvements in capacity can contribute to outcomes in the form of strengthened legal frameworks and domestic institutions, increased civil society advocacy and increased compliance at the level of firms. We argue that labour provisions are usually aimed at generating proximate outcomes before contributing to more distant outcomes, such as the improvement of labour rights and working conditions. For the design of labour provisions as a policy tool, this means that in specific trade agreements, the various elements of labour provisions should be used in a manner that effectively target those aspects of capacity that are seen as deficient and which are considered to most likely have an impact on labour rights and working conditions. Our framework implies that the effectiveness of labour provisions can be analysed with respect to different aspects of the process, e.g. with respect to different types of capacity, or with respect to the ultimate target – the improvement of working conditions and labour rights. In terms of methods, effectiveness of labour provisions can be measured and evaluated using quantitative or qualitative methods, depending on the particular aspect of capacity that is of interest as an outcome, and depending on the type of available data on capacity, working conditions and labour rights.

Background Since the early 2000s, policy makers in Korea have put greater emphasis on culture and humancentered issues than on construction and industrial developments. In that regard, public design emerged as an instrument to strengthen urban competitiveness, and government ministries and local governments are implementing various public design policies. However, the current evaluation systems are mostly used to evaluate public design as the performance of the governments, which is the same as other public policies. In fact, public policies are alien to design. The aim of design is to meet peoples values, while that of public policies is to achieve public purposes using material, finance and human resources. Therefore, it is necessary to examine whether evaluating outputs is sufficient for public design policy evaluation. The paper aims to suggest a new direction for evaluating policies on sustainable public design and helping people in reality. Although the number of policies for public design has increased, policy evaluation systems have not been properly developed yet. Methods The current meaning of public design and the current conditions of the public design policies in Korea are examined, and then existing policy evaluation systems are analyzed based on previous studies. Results The existing evaluation systems focus on public design itself rather than citizens realization of public values based on preceding research analysis such as performance measurement using BSC(Balanced Scorecard). Conclusion The study attempts to give initial guidance on the direction of public design policies, which focuses on civic engagement on the premise that design can solve social problems.

This paper discusses the assessing public policies and how the studies on this subject are, and in this context, investigates the assessment of Higher Education access policies. The importance of studies on assessment of policies, in particular the social nature, lies in the fact that it is precisely the assessment that allows the feedback provision of the government to the population, which means that it is a necessary process to democracy. It also intended to identify in theses and dissertations (2011-2012), from Higher Education Personnel Training Coordination (CAPES) database, the frequency of papers related to the assessment of higher education access policies. From the study it can be concluded that researches on evaluation of public policies in general are still incipient, and, with regard to higher education access policies, although there is a consistent significant production on the subject, the focus is on analysis of the forms of access and retention in higher education from different social groups and different programs. There are few studies in education that investigated, specifically, the evaluation of access policies; it is still an unexplored field of research.

The violation of labor rights in international supply chains has gained significant attention in both academia and civil societies over the past two decades. The aim of this chapter is to examine the existing literature in order to identify the possible root causes that contribute to the contemporary labor exploitation practices in international supply chains. The causes were defined through a systematic literature review and then grouped based on multi-stakeholder analysis. This enabled them to be represented graphically by cause-and-effect analysis. The analysis illustrates the interdependencies of causes which supports the argument that the violation of labor rights in international businesses is a “wicked problem” (Rittel and Webber in Policy sciences 4(2): 155–169, 1973) due to the complexity of global labor governance structures and conflicts of interests of different stakeholders. The outcome of this research offers stakeholders an insight into the labor issues in their supply chains and helps them develop appropriate solutions to upgrade labor rights.

This writing clearly shows as Human Rights and Environmental protection on one side, and Human Rights and Poverty Reduction on the other side are complementary than competing concepts. Results of different literature review indicate that human rights and environment are mutual supportive because damage to one of them undermine the enjoyment of the other. At same time poverty mean infringement on human rights but not social problem from human rights perspective. Environmental protection may be cast as a means to the end of fulfilling human rights standards. Also human rights serve as tool to achieve adequate levels of environmental protection and promotion of procedural or participatory rights, right to information, and right of access to justice and redress in connection with environmental concerns. International treaties show that poverty and environmental concerns are closely linked and cannot be tackled in isolation. Poverty reduction and improved environmental outcomes mean improvement in the health of poor peoples’. Economic development and poverty reduction strongly depend on improving management of the environment and natural resources, the natural capital of the poor. Environmental management cannot be treated separately from other development concerns, but requires integration into poverty reduction and sustainable development efforts. Keywords: Human Rights, Poverty Reduction, Environmental Protection, Complementary, and Competing DOI : 10.7176/IAGS/76-01 Publication date :September 30 th 2019

This article discusses labor rights in the laws and regulations in Indonesia. In particular, regarding the rights of workers who are approaching retirement age. There are also laws that are the subject of discussion, namely Law Number 13 of 2013 concerning Manpower and Law Number 11 of 2020 (Omnibus Law). All of this is also discussed from an Islamic perspective. The focus is on the Maqasid Sharia concept, as an effort to protect religion, life, wealth/property, intellect/mind, and descendants or the next generation, from every individual on earth. Maqasid sharia always relies on the principles of justice and the welfare of the people. This study uses a qualitative method with a literature study approach. The results of this study indicate that there are a number of problems in the application of laws relating to employment in Indonesia. Especially, in the new law, namely, the 2020 Omnibus Law. The problems referred to include, among other things, the unclear working contract period, changes to the minimum wage provisions, complicated outsourcing rules, the concept of termination of employment, and ambiguous leave terms. The government must pay attention to these findings. Viewed from the perspective of Maqasid Syariah, the lack of clarity on the term of the employment contract, the provisions of the minimum wage, outsourcing, and termination of employment can be classified as endangering one's financial aspects (wealth). While the issue of leave often has a negative impact on a person's physical and mental health (life and mind). This study is expected to have theoretical benefits in the fields of employment, public policy, and Omnibus Law. There is also a practical benefit for readers is to open up insight about the problems around, in connection with the Omnibus Law. Keywords: Labor Rights, Public Policy, Maqasid Syariah, Omnibus Law

Managing natural resources, and at the same time increasing productivity in agriculture, is the thrust of research and extension all over the world. Achieving long-term food security without depleting natural resources can be achieved by adoption of sustainable agricultural practices. Sustainable agricultural practices, or agriculture per se, seek the wider adoption of practices that are ecologically sound and maintain the long-term ecological and biological integrity of natural resources. Sustainable practices in agriculture include integrated pest management, integrated nutrient management, soil conservation and water management, among others. Much of the dynamics of the diffusion process of sustainable agricultural practices, for adoption or rejection of these practices, can be analysed and understood on the basis of sound understanding of diffusion and adoption theory. The diffusion researchers have mostly analysed farmers’ differences in analysing adoption or rejection of innovation/technology. Very little attention has been paid to technology attributes or technology inappropriateness. In this chapter, we have analysed factors impacting diffusion and adoption of sustainable natural resource management practices in agriculture and different models that can be employed to predict adoption or rejection, in future times. The researchers involved in an innovation development process should consider factors propelling adoption or rejection before commercialisation of a technology. Diffusion researchers need to employ alternative field experimental before-after designs, in which data are gathered at different points in time rather than post hoc data collection, to overcome farmer blame and pro-technology biases. We are of the firm belief that diffusion of innovation research must be given full recognition by research and development, and change agencies involved in agricultural sciences.

Malte Luebker recalls that employment and labour issues were entirely absent from the initial set of MDGs, and that only in 2005, somewhat hastily, a new target was added to address this oversight. He therefore welcomes that the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development makes ample reference to employment and inequality. Goal 8 is devoted to 'Promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all' and expands on two familiar themes, productivity and employment, while adding labour rights as a new element. The more nuanced treatment of labour arguably presents a notable advance in attaining a wider set of progressive policies concerned with addressing rising inequalities. While the SDGs are strong on some policies that have direct impact on the primary and secondary distribution of incomes, they lack an explicit endorsement of freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining. Hence, they fail to mention the mechanisms that give workers a voice and a meaningful stake in development.

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgements The editors would like to thank the architects of the CINEFOGO network of excellence (‘Civil Society and New Forms of Governance in Europe’)—and in particular Thomas Bøje at the University of Roskilde—for supporting the work programme which underpins this special issue. CINEFOGO was funded by the European Union under the Sixth Research Framework. Notes 1. L. M. Salamon, The Tools of Governance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002). 2. Respectively, see J. Cohen and A. Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992); D. Billis, Hybrid Organisations and the Third Sector: Challenges for Practice, Theory and Policy (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); and L. Tragardh, this issue. 3. For example, see Jennifer Wolch, The Shadow State (New York: Foundation Center, 1990); H. Tam, Communitarianism (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998); H. K. Anheier et al., ‘No numbers, no policies? Can Eurostat count the cost of the nonprofit sector?’, in J. Kendall (Ed.) Researching the Voluntary Sector (West Malling: Charities Aid Foundation, 1993). 4. M. Taylor, Public Policy in the Community (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). 5. For example, compare M. Kaldor, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War? (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003); R. D. Lipschutz, ‘Power, politics and global civil society’, Millennium, 33(3) (2005), pp. 747–769. A useful contribution which begins to bring out ideological themes much more explicitly, but at quite a high level of generality, in R. Germain and M. Kenny (Eds) The Idea of Global Civil Society: Politics and Ethics in a Globalizing Era (London: Routledge, 2005). For a useful recent overview, see K. Kumar, ‘Civil society, globalisation and global civil society’, Journal of Civil Society, 4(1) (2008), pp. 15–30. 6. Michael Freeden, Ideology: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). 7. Lester M. Salamon and Helmut K. Anheier, Defining the Nonprofit Sector: An International Analysis (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997); European Commission, Communication on the Role of Associations and Foundations in Europe (Brussels: European Commission, 1997). 8. J. Kendall, Political ideologies and the third sector: Draft scoping paper for interested parties in CINEFOGO workpackage, unpublished manuscript (University of Kent at Canterbury, 2006); for more on the supporting activities, the CINEFOGO network database (http://cinefogo.cuni.cz/) can be utilized.

Harold Seidman has called interagency committees crabgrass in the garden of They are universally condemned, but efforts to extirpate them seldom succeed, for new committees grow in their place. This is because alternatives generally are worse, and there is a compelling need to coordinate programs that sprawl across many agencies. An example of an interagency committee that worked, at least for a period, is the Committee on Environment and Natural Resources, charged with coordinating the multibillion dollar Global Change Research Program. Born under Reagan, the committee rose to prominence under Bush, being cited as an exemplary model for other interagency programs. Under Clinton, it was used as a prototype again, even as it declined in influence. The evolution of the committee illuminates the key factors that strengthen and weaken interagency cooperation in In a time when reinvention is in vogue and public administrators are asked to seek efficiency and become more effective, it is instructive to understand examples of attempts to innovate institutionally in Who influences institutional innovation in public policy and administration, and how? What are the consequences of such administrative entrepreneurship? Under what conditions do institutional innovators succeed or fail? Lessons can be learned from the attempt to manage the U.S. Global Change Research Program. This program, which studies such environmental issues as global warming, deforestation, and ozone depletion, did not exist in 1987. By 1995 its budget stood at $1.8 billion. It is the prime example of environmental megascience, complicated by being interagency science also. Born during the administration of President Ronald Reagan, the program grew substantially in the era of George Bush and has continued under Bill Clinton. Involving at one time or another as many as 18 departments and agencies, the program was at one point hailed as the model interagency science program. It became so celebrated that Bush's science advisor, D. Allan Bromley, used it as a basis for other interagency strategic science programs, and Harvard's Kennedy School of Government featured it in two case studies (Kennedy, 1992a, 1992b). Behind the Global Change Research Program was an interagency committee initially called under Reagan the Committee on Earth Sciences. It became the Committee on Earth and Environmental Sciences during the Bush years, and then the Committee on Environment and Natural Resources under Clinton. For many years, the global change interagency management system worked -- or was widely perceived to work. The committee used multiagency planning, cross-budgeting, joint project solicitations, and cofunding. It filled research gaps among agencies in the context of national priorities so that the program was more than the sum of individual agency interests. These innovative practices belied the conventional wisdom of public administration, as expressed by Seidman (1975, 197), that interagency committees are crabgrass in the garden of government. In the Clinton period, however, coordination faltered, and such diverse observers as the Republican Congress, National Academy of Sciences, and some of the committee's leading members commented on its decline. It is important to explain the evolution of this unusual institutional model. Its fate reveals lessons of broad relevance for the management of interagency science, Indeed, interagency programs in general. The dilemma illuminated by the Committee on Environment and Natural Resources is that there is little recourse but to use interagency committees for purposes of coordination when programs overlap, as they so often do. As Seidman (1975) pointed out, such entities may be condemned, but efforts to extirpate them seldom work, for new committees grow in their place. Alternatives to interagency committees, such as the creation of all-embracing superagencies or the appointment of a czar, may mitigate certain problems but usually create others. …

Do democratic political regimes facilitate more robust environmental and natural resource regulatory policies? Yes, in many cases. Using detailed cases of natural resource policy making in Thailand, however, we find that neither political parties nor civil society nor state institutions do well in representing diffuse interests, mediating among conflicting ones or defining compromises and securing their acceptance by most key players. Gains in environmental or natural resource policy making have not been dramatically more likely under democratic regimes than under “liberal authoritarian” ones with broad freedoms of speech and association. We argue that Thailand's democratic political system features weak linkages between groups in society and political parties, lacks alternative encompassing or brokering institutions in civil society, and that these features account for a tendency for political democracy to fail to deliver on its policy potential in Thailand.