Developmental States

Aim. To identify the mechanism of state regulation of private enterprise initiative operating in the “developmental states” of East and Southeast Asia, which ensures consistently high rates of economic growth and an increase in public welfare.Tasks. Based on a comparative analysis, to determine the characteristic features of the model of relations between the state and business in the “developmental states”, to reveal its strengths and weaknesses, the role of the ruling elite in its functioning.Methods. The central concept is the “developmental state”, the elements of which are revealed by Zia Onish, the concepts of “planned-rational state” (C. Johnson), “built-in autonomy” (P. Evans), “neopatrimonial state”, “cohesive capitalist state” and “fragmented multi-class state” (A. Koli). The model of the relationship between the state and business is based on works related to Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand.Results. It has been established that in “developmental states” the relations between the state and business are built into the political structure of society, in which centralized governance allows states to ensure political stability, reduce transaction costs for private entities, motivate entrepreneurship and create additional opportunities for economic development, and as a result - increasing the welfare of society.Conclusions. The example of the countries of East and Southeast Asia shows that the success of a “developmental state” is possible only when the political settlement enables the ruling elites to have the law enforcement capabilities to conduct an effective, nationally-oriented industrial policy necessary for the further improvement of the country’s technological capabilities. The rapid economic development of “developmental states”, which has led to talk of a “miracle”, raises the question of the possibility of using this experience in other regions of the world, including the EAEU countries.

The current global economic crisis has been disastrous for many millions of people. But it has also had the desirable effect of prompting a little more skepticism towards the economic beliefs that have constituted the mainstream view about public economic strategy for the past three decades, both in the major western states and in international lending organizations like the World Bank and the IMF. They have at their core the proposition that ‘government failure is generally worse than market failure’, which supports the default policy setting of ‘more free market’ in most countries most of the time. The new crisis‐induced skepticism is good news because the previous confidence rested more on what J. S. Mill called ‘the deep slumber of a settled opinion’ than on a solid empirical base. The present article begins by summarizing some powerful pieces of evidence that challenge core mainstream propositions in the context of developing countries, which have received less attention than they deserve. Having shown why the mainstream prescription for the role of government in development is questionable, the article describes some key points about the nature of industrial policy in East Asia and about the general rationale for a certain kind of industrial policy even where state capacity is relatively weak. The rationale is all the stronger in the world economy after the crisis, when a major surge of innovation around energy, water, nanotechnology and genetics is likely, rendering many existing specializations unviable. The article then presents an argument about the institutional arrangements of a ‘developmental state’ through which national strategies can be formed and implemented. It ends by describing small signs of new flexibility in World Bank and IMF thinking.Policy Implications Liberalizing markets, attracting FDI and promoting good governance are not necessary conditions of long‐term economic growth and development in low‐income countries. In the wake of the global financial crisis and the impending surge of new technologies, the role of industrial policy – promoting some sectors or products ahead of others – should be expanded. Import replacement as well as export orientation are crucial components of a successful industrial policy. Four organizational features are important in a developmental state: (1) an even balance between the state and business groups; (2) a public service mindset among state officials; (3) delivery of patronage resources separately from the economic bureaucracy; and (4) an industrial extension service, with tight limits on its officials’ discretionary control of resources. Developing country governments and firms should be prepared to push back against the shrinking latitude for industrial policy instruments allowed in international trade and investment agreements.

When comparisons in terms of industrial policy lessons to be learned have taken place, it has tended to be solely vis-a-vis the ‘development state’ East Asian experience. This paper broadens the analysis and considers lessons which African countries can learn from other so-called ‘tiger’ economies including Ireland and the East and South Asian countries. We recognise that the latter are indeed clearly significant as many African countries at the time of independence had economic structures and levels of income quite similar to East Asian countries, yet have grown at vastly different rates since then. Exploring why this has been the case can thus offer important insights into possibilities for industrial policy. Yet this comes with some health warnings over East Asian experience. We suggest that another important contribution can come by looking at the Irish example, given its emphasis on corporatism rather than simply relying on state direction in the operation of industrial policy. The Irish model is also more democratic in some senses and has protected workers’ rights during the development process in contrast to the often highly dirigisite East Asian model. Overall we suggest that some immediate actions are needed, notably with regard to the financial system in small African economies. Without such changes, a poorly functioning financial system will continue to keep investment at low levels. In relation to the small size of the African economies, the paper recommends regional integration and sufficient overseas development assistance (ODA) for infrastructural development. It is also critical to note that the various small African economies each face their own industrial and economic development challenges, and that a ‘one size fits all’ approach is not appropriate; rather the key is to tailor policies and systems to the unique opportunities and development challenges in each African country.

Criticism of the developmental state can be divided into two categories. One is the neoliberal position that criticizes the efficacy of the developmental state model itself. According to this view, the developmental state was not an important factor in East Asian development and the adoption of industrial policy would in fact be detrimental to developing countries. A second critical position concedes that a degree of achievement was indeed attained by the developmental state in the past, but argues that the developmental state model is no longer a viable option today. This position holds that the high level of government intervention in successful East Asian countries more or less contributed to their economic development, but that this policy is no longer feasible. While deepening globalization in the world economy is regarded as inimical to the developmental state, some also argue that the developmental state model could only have worked during the Cold War and could not function in today's international political and economic climate. Despite these negative observations, the purpose of this article is to demonstrate the viability of the developmental state model. First, the article supports the statist position by broadening the scope of the argument: developmental states exist not only in Northeast Asia, but also in Southeast Asia, and the East Asian authoritarian regimes had a role in economic development. Second, this article directly counters new criticism of the developmental state. It argues that the developmental state model is still an effective development strategy in the post-Cold War period and even in the era of globalization: the model was useful in East Asia, and could be useful beyond East Asia.

The export of Japanese television programs overseas started in the 1970s and the rapid
\ngrowth of Japanese television programs globally especially in Asia started in the early 1980s.
\nHowever, in the 21st century, the glory of Japanese dramas seems to have faded and replaced by the
\n“Korean wave”. Perhaps the younger generation nowadays has not heard of “J-Pop” and here is an
\nexamination of the past consumption of the Japanese television culture outside of Japan, especially
\nAsia.

Background: Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are the leading cause of death worldwide. However, current evidence regarding the efficacy and cost-effectiveness of community intervention and health promotion programs for NCDs, specifically hypertension, obesity, diabetes, and dyslipidemia, in East and Southeast Asia has not yet been systematically reviewed. We systematically reviewed the literature from East and Southeast Asian countries to answer 2 clinical questions: (1) do health promotion programs for hypertension, obesity, diabetes, and dyslipidemia reduce cardiovascular events and mortality; and (2) are these programs cost-effective?Methods and Results: Electronic literature searches were performed across Medline, Cochrane Library, and Ichushi using key words and relevant subject headings related to randomized controlled trials, comparative studies, quasi-experimental studies, or propensity score matching that met eligibility criteria that were defined for each question. In all, 3,389 records were identified, of which 12 full-text articles were reviewed. Three papers were from Japan, 7 were from China/Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, and 2 were from South Korea. None were from Southeast Asia. Four papers examined the effect of community intervention or health promotion on the incidence of cardiovascular events or mortality. Eight studies examined the cost-effectiveness of interventions.Conclusions: The literature review revealed that community intervention and health promotion programs for the control of NCDs are a cost-effective means of reducing cardiovascular events and mortality in East Asian countries.

Is it possible to reconcile one of the institutional strategies to promote development, known in the literature as “the developmental state”, with contemporary democratic systems of government? If so, what are the challenges, trade-offs and potential gains that such an effort may entail? The vast literature on “the developmental state” claims that it is more likely to succeed under autocratic regimes. While a “democratic developmental state” seems possible in theory, there is very little empirical evidence to show how it would work in practice. This article tries to contribute to this debate by analyzing the case of Brazil, a country that transitioned from a military dictatorship to a democratic regime in the late 1980s, and has been moving towards increasing state interventionism since 2002. While the policies implemented by the “New Developmental State” in Brazil have been explored in the academic literature, their democratic dimensions remain unchartered. There has not been a detailed analysis about how the autocratic features that characterized the developmental states in Latin America from the 1950s to the end of the 1980s (i. e. political exclusion of the majority of groups, and control of economic policies by an elite) have played out in its renewed version. Understanding the interactions between the New Developmental State and the democratic system not only allows for a better understanding of the Brazilian case, but it also sheds light on one of the most important theoretical questions raised by the development literature: is a democratic developmental state possible? Based on the Brazilian case study, we argue that it is not hard to reconcile “the developmental state” with a thin conception of democracy, i. e. with free and fair elections. In contrast, the picture is more complex if the question is whether it is possible to reconcile developmental policies with a thicker conception of democracy that includes demands for transparency, protection of minority groups, a system of checks and balances, and due process. To develop this argument, this article is divided in three parts. In the first part, we provide an overview of the literature, outlining the concept of developmental state, and the tensions that the developmental state policies may create in a democratic setting. In the second part, we focus on the Brazilian case (the “new developmental state”), exploring how these tensions played out in three concrete settings: industrial policy, infrastructure sectors, and social policies. In the third part, we identify some of the research implications of the challenges identified in the Brazilian case, especially for future law and development scholarship.

During the last two decades, economic studies on happiness have grown rapidly in particular, studies on the effect of income on happiness. Ng (Pac Econ Rev 7(1):51–63, 2002) has highlighted the East-Asian happiness gap. The East Asian countries, China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Korea, Japan, Singapore, are performing well economically, however, performing poorly in happiness. Societal values have been suggested to be the potential explanation of this happiness gap. Nevertheless, the effects of societal values on happiness are yet to be explored fully. This paper aims to estimate the effect of income on happiness and examine the moderating effect of societal values in the context of the East-Asian happiness gap using the World Values Survey (WVS) data. The WVS (waves 6, 2010–2014) consists of nationally representative sample of 14,447 respondents from the various East and South Asian countries. It provides measurements of societal values, subjective well-being and other socio-demographic variables including income. We found that the effect of income on happiness is the lowest (and insignificant) in Thailand and Philippines; and the highest (and strongly significant) in South Korea and Taiwan. The effect of income becomes insignificant once it is moderated by the societal values. Societal values matter to explain the East-Asian happiness gap and might refute the relevance of Easterlin paradox.

In an earlier paper, I argued that “effective singlehood” in East Asia had run ahead of the West – if cohabitation was equated with marriage. In the decade since then, some interesting changes have taken place. In Europe, singlehood on the whole appears to have increased, even when those currently cohabiting are removed from the “single” category, but the trend is less clear when those who have ever cohabited are removed from the category. Though cohabitation has increased in Spain and Italy, these countries still have much higher proportions effectively single than do Scandinavia or Western Europe. Effective singlehood is increasing more sharply in some of the countries of East Asia than in Europe, tending to further widen the gap between the higher levels of effective singlehood in East Asian countries than those in Europe. The chapter goes on to examine the meanings of cohabitation across Europe, the limited evidence about trends in cohabitation in East Asia, and whether rising prevalence of singlehood by choice in East Asia and some European countries is evidence of the second demographic transition. The similarity in some aspects of family patterns between Southern European and East Asian countries are analysed in relation to high levels of effective singlehood in these countries. In an earlier paper, I argued that “effective singlehood” in East Asia had run ahead of the West – if cohabitation was equated with marriage. In the decade since then, some interesting changes have taken place. In Europe, singlehood on the whole appears to have increased, even when those currently cohabiting are removed from the “single” category, but the trend is less clear when those who have ever cohabited are removed from the category. Though cohabitation has increased in Spain and Italy, these countries still have much higher proportions effectively single than do Scandinavia or Western Europe. Effective singlehood is increasing more sharply in some of the countries of East Asia than in Europe, tending to further widen the gap between the higher levels of effective singlehood in East Asian countries than those in Europe. The chapter goes on to examine the meanings of cohabitation across Europe, the limited evidence about trends in cohabitation in East Asia, and whether rising prevalence of singlehood by choice in East Asia and some European countries is evidence of the second demographic transition. The similarity in some aspects of family patterns between Southern European and East Asian countries are analysed in relation to high levels of effective singlehood in these countries.

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the state and rural development in East Asia. In many developing countries, ruling elites pursue industrial development at the expense of the rural sector. They regard industry as critical for national security and economic competitiveness, and many believe that industry-led growth is sufficient to reduce poverty. This preference for industry is known as urban bias. In contrast with most developing countries, East Asia emerged in the post-World War II period as a region that seemed to defy the logic of urban bias, achieving both urban-industrial growth and rural-agricultural development. Nevertheless, it is also true that East Asian governments exploited agriculture, eroding the prospects for long-term development and giving rise to significant rural–urban disparities. Focusing on Taiwan, South Korea, and China, the book examines how and why East Asia achieved rural development, and it advances a theory to explain variation among East Asian countries. It demonstrates that rural transformation in East Asia was not a byproduct of industrialization, but the result of aggressive interventions by strong and activist (if not exactly developmental) states.

Early Response to COVID-19

Background and objective: Apolipoprotein E (apoE) is a polymorphic protein with vital antioxidant and anti-atherosclerotic effects. Three apoE isoforms exist due to polymorphisms in its gene causing disturbances of lipoproteins metabolism and a probability to develop cardiovascular diseases. The aim of this study was to assess the association between apoE gene polymorphism and coronary artery disease (CAD) in a Malaysian population sample and to integrate the study findings with other studies to increase the power of the study sample and to make a better understanding about the association between apoE gene polymorphism and CAD in south east & East Asian countries. Methods: The study involved 185 patients with CAD attending HTAA hospital Kuantan, Pahang with 188 unrelated healthy control participants. ApoE gene polymorphism was determined in the participants using polymerase chain reaction – restriction fragment length polymorphism (PCR-RFLP) assay and was validated using direct nucleotide sequencing. SPSS software version 19 and Chi-squared test was used for determination of allele and genotypes association with CAD. Binary logistic regression analysis of apoE genotypes, gender, ethnicity, age, blood pressure, and lipid profile was used to predict probability of developing CAD. In addition, meta-analysis was conducted using Review Manager (Version 5.3.). Results: the preliminary data has shown a non-significant association between apoE genotypes or alleles and CAD. Nevertheless, binary logistic regression analysis has shown a significant association between E3E4 genotype, high blood pressure, male gender & old age as dependant risk factors in the prediction for having CAD. The meta-analysis of studies in Southeast Asia and East Asia region had shown that carriers of the E4 allele are significantly at higher risk to develop CAD [p<0.0001; OR=1.51 (1.24, 1.83) CI=95%; I2=68%]. Conclusion: This study provides an evidence of increased risk to develop CAD among carriers of E4 allele specially if accompanied with high blood pressure, old age with male gender.

GOVERNANCE AND DEVELOPMENT: CONTEXTUAL ISSUES Introduction: Challenges of Governing Development, A.S. Huque and H. Zafarullah Understanding Development Governance: Concepts, Institutions, and Processes, H. Zafarullah and A.S. Huque Changing Configurations of the Developmental State, A. Leftwich Globalization and Development, W.D. Coleman Neoliberal Globalization and the Washington Consensus, J. Nederveen Pieterse Economic Development and Democratic Consolidation: Patterns in East and Southeast Asian Countries, I. Marsh Laying a Propelling Foundation for Democratic Governance and International Development: Role of Human Factor Engineering, S. Adjibolosoo Human Rights and Governance, J.R. Quinn Does Aid Work? New Evidence from Recent Empirical Studies, N. Hermes and R. Lensink Governance for Sustainable Development in Southeast Asia: Means, Concerns, and Dilemmas, M.S. Haque Developmental State: East Asian Perspective, K. Nordhaug ISSUES AND PROBLEMS IN DEVELOPMENT GOVERNANCE Poverty Reduction and Development Governance, I. Ortiz Civil Society and Development: Normative, Theoretical and Practical Considerations, T. Carroll Macroeconomic Management and Economic Development, A. Chowdhury Accountability and Good Governance: Concepts and Issues, D.W. Brinkerhoff Corruption and Development, S. Rose-Ackerman Ten Major Flaws in Combating Corruption: A Cautionary Note, G.E. Caiden Sound Governance and Administrative Ethics in the Former East Germany: Dilemmas of a Transition, J.-C. Garcia-Zamor Social Capital and Health: A Rural Perspective, T. Bowyer New Citizenships: Gender and Governance in Development, J.S. Wheeler DEVELOPMENT GOVERNANCE TOOLS Decentralization and Development, D.A. Rondinelli Participation in Governance, A. Cornwal and J. Gaventa Nongovernmental Organizations, Civil Society, and Development Governance, G. Clarke and A. Thomas Nongovernmental Organizations, Governance, and the Development Project, S. Feldman Aiding Local Governance: How Effective Are Small Funds, J. Beall Privatization and Development, R. Wettenhall Governance for Environmental Planning and Sustainable Development: Asian Perspectives, P. Hills E-government and Development, I. Holliday Good Governance, Bureaucracy, and Development: Have the Traditional Bureaucratic Values Become Redundant? R.B. Jain Public Sector Reforms and Transformation: Implications for Development Administration, A. Farazmand Public Service Reform, G.E. Caiden Capacity Development and Good Governance, K.R. Hope, Sr. A Short History of Failure? Development Processes over the Course of 20th Century, M. Jennings Managing Development in Africa: How Many More False Starts? D. Conyers Strategic Planning in Development, M. Turner Implementing Development Programs: The Reality on the Ground, D.E. Klingner Policy Evaluation: From Managerialism and Econocracy to a Governance Perspective, D. Gasper Beyond the Horizon: Policy Learning and Development, R. Common DEVELOPMENT SECTORS Rethinking Industrial Policy, S. Lall Agriculture and Economic Development: A Review of Policies and Issues in Developing Asia, A. Hossain Issues in Water Resource Management, C.J. Barrow Governance, Technology, and Development, L.S. Lauridsen Health, Development, and Governance, J.W. Bjorkman Health Systems and Development, G. Meads and M. Iwami Rural Development and Governance: Can Democracy Rescue a Stalled Enterprise? H. Blair

MotivationProliferating regional trade agreements (RTAs) in East Asia since the region’s financial crisis in 1997 have been hotly debated. To date, however, no research has comprehensively examined the desirability of East Asian RTAs based on such factors as membership and evolutionary paths.PurposeWe assess, retrospectively and prospectively, East Asian countries’ efforts to liberalize the regional market through co‐operation. We investigate (i) why RTAs have proliferated in East Asia; (ii) the main characteristics of East Asian RTAs; (iii) whether East Asian countries are desirable trading partners for one another; and (iv) the prospects of East Asian RTAs.Approach and methodsWe conduct a qualitative analysis on the desirability of East Asian partnership and examine quantitative studies of the likely impacts of East Asian RTAs on members, non‐members, and the global economy.FindingsWe verify that East Asian neighbours are appropriate trading partners for the formation of RTAs.Policy implicationsWe recommend that East Asian RTAs should follow an expansionary path such as the five ASEAN+1 RTAs to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) to the Free Trade Area of the Asia‐Pacific (FTAAP). Moreover, the region must co‐operate with major external trading partners by forming cross‐regional RTAs with the European Union (EU) and United States (US). Two priority changes must also be implemented: the harmonization or simplification of the rules of origin and cumulation of value contents among East Asian RTA members.

The article is an analysis of the settlement systems development of East Asian countries from the point of view of the adopted measures of urban planning regulation and their resulting effect on the spatial populated areas development. A sample of countries with the greatest potential for identifying various representative principles of urban planning regulation and geographical dispersion – China, Japan and Singapore – was taken for the study. The time range of the analysis is from the 80s of the XX century to the 20s of the XXI century, corresponding to the period of the most active urbanization in the countries of East Asia, influenced by domestic urban policies and global social processes. Based on the analysis, the key principles in the formation of the approach to urban planning regulation of the settlement systems development in China, Japan and Singapore are defined. To conduct a comparative analysis and assess the effectiveness and adequacy of the application of certain principles of regulation in urban planning activities in the Russian Federation, several criteria are introduced, considering the domestic specifics of urban planning activities. The study proposes an algorithm of actions to introduce and implement one of the principles compatible with Russian urban planning in the process of spatial development.